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Baskets - the early modern carrier bag

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Louise Moillon - Scène de marché avec pickpocket

The 17th century equivalent of the modern carrier bag was the shopping basket in rush or wicker, in fact baskets have been described as “One of the most important containers in the early modern period both for storage and carriage”. (British History Online, 2015)

The OED describes a basket as being “A vessel of wickerwork, made of plaited osiers, cane, rushes, bast, or other materials.” Bast is flax, hemp, jute and similar plant fibres. Osiers or withies are specifically flexible willow twigs or branches. Basket making was a fairly well represented craft, there were eight basket makers listed in the 1608 muster list for Gloucestershire. (Tawney, 1934)

England did not produce a collection of genre paintings in the way that many European countries did so we have little in the way of visual evidence for what was used. Most people will be aware of the 1640 Hollar engraving from the Ornatus Muliebris of the maid with her rush basket, others will be aware of the various Cries of London series, showing women with baskets on their heads. Here we have baskets for two different functions; the first is for putting your shopping in, the other is for taking goods to market, or from one place to another, the equivalent of the old costermonger basket. 

The costermonger style appears in many European Cries as well as the London ones. Possibly the oldest of the “Cries” are these Parisian ones in the Bibliotheque Nationale, which as the text says are gendered, in that the women are more often shown carrying goods in a basket or pot on their head, while the men are more often shown carrying goods on their backs. For a quick history of Cries have a look at Shesgreen (2013)

Oyster seller
There are several series of Cryes of London and, as Shesgreen has said, each “is a synthesis of its precursors.” (1990) An early 17thcentury series sold by Richard Newton includes 12 women in the set, half hold things in their hands with no carrier, 4 have baskets over their arms (see the oyster seller left) and 2 carry baskets on their heads. The Manner of Crying Things in London, sold by Peter Stent, shows no baskets over the arm, though one is held under the arm, and one of the four women with a basket on her head has a basket with a central handle implying it could be carried over the arm. Stent opened his shop in 1642 and died in 1665, the Stent collection of prints was sold to Overton by his widow. (Globe, 2008) (Clayton, 2008)In contrast to the Stent Cries the c.1667 Common Cryes of London, printed by John Overton, shows  eighteen women, 8 carry baskets on their heads, 9 carry baskets, or something similar, over their arms, and one carries goods loose. A late set of cries by Marcellus Laroon are the most naturalistic. These were published in 1687; six of the women in the series carry baskets over their arms. In all these cases it is as well to remember that they are not women shopping, they are women selling; however they show the types of baskets available to the housewife, especially in the case of Laroon's basket seller, who not only has a load of different table baskets on her head, but also carries some straw hats, see below.

So that is what market criers and traders are using, but what about the “housewife” doing her shopping. Hollar’s Theatrum Mulierum and Aula Veneris would appear to indicate that carrying a basket is widespread in Western Europe across a range of social levels, from the merchant’s wife in Holland, the woman of Antwerp, the country woman in France to the servant maid in Cologne, not to forget the English kitchen maid from his Ornatus. There are two paintings by the French artist Louise Moillon which show a range of baskets, top right you see her Scène de marché avec pickpocket dating from the 1630s, the purchaser has a lidded wicker basket over her arm, while the seller has a range of baskets containing vegetables and fruits. Have a look also at her La marchande de fruits et de légumes

British History Online, 2015. Dictionary of Traded Goods and Commodities, 1550-1820. [Online]
Available at: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/traded-goods-dictionary/1550-1820/bashron-basting-ladle#h2-0006

[Accessed 19 May 2015].
Clayton, T., 2008. Overton family (per. c.1665–c.1765)’, In: Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford. [Online]
Available at: http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/64998

[Accessed 21 May 2015].
Globe, A., 2008. Stent, Peter (b. in or before 1613, d. 1665). In: Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. [Online]
Available at: http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/50897

[Accessed 21 May 2015].
Shesgreen, S., 1990. The criers and hawkers of London, engravings and drawings by Marcellus Laroon. Aldershot: Scholar Press.
Shesgreen, S., 2013. Cries of London from the Renaissance to the seventeenth century. In: R. Harms, J. Raymond & J. Salman, eds. Not Dead Things: The Dissemination of Popular Print in England and Wales, Italy, and the Low Countries 1500-1820. Leiden: Brill, pp. 117-152.
Tawney, R. H., 1934. An occupational census of the seventeenth century. Economic History Review, 5(1), pp. 25-64.








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The future "Patterns of Fashion"

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I have my copy of Costume, vol 49, no.2, it arrived in the post this week and there is an article by Jenny Tiramani on the next volumes of Patterns of Fashion that they are planning. 

First, which I was aware of, will be on stays, hoops and rumps 1600-1795. This volume, which will be Pattens of Fashion 5 will include the 1660 silver tissue outfit in the Fashion Museum at Bath. There will be x-rays of the type that Jenny has used in the two volumes of Seventeenth Century Women’s Dress Patterns that have been published by the Victoria and Albert Museum.

Patterns of Fashion 6 will cover men’s and women’s clothes c1620 to 1700, however I get the impression from Jenny’s writing that the bulk of the patterns in no. 6 will be menswear, and will include several from the Livrustkammaren, Stockholm. All those who own or are aware of Lena Rangstrom’s book Modelejon manligt mode: Lions of fashion, male fashion in  the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, will look forward to having patterns from some of these exquisite items. 

Jenny mentions that there are around 250 patterns taken by Janet Arnold in her archive, which resides with the School of Historical Dress, and states that there are plans for at least a further Patterns of Fashion 7, on women 1700-1820, and Patterns of Fashion 8, on men 1700-1820. There are also patterns for future volumes to cover more recent periods. We all owe Jenny Tiramani, Santina Levey and all those involved in the School of Historical Dress and great debt for carrying on Janet’s work.

The power of gold – Costume Society Conference 2015

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At the beginning of the month I went to London and the Victoria and Albert Museum for the 50th anniversary conference of the Costume Society. Being the 50th the theme was gold, and many of the papers returned to the subject of gold jewellery. There were a large number of good papers; those papers mentioned below are just those that covered, in whole or in part, the early modern period. These are my recollections of what was said.

Romy Cockx -Exhibiting the power of gold in Antwerp
This paper was on the new museum soon to be opened in Antwerp amalgamating the collections of the Zilvermuseum and the Diamantmuseum. Antwerp was a centre from trade with the east by 1501. Romy spoke of the early cuts of diamonds, and the move from the table cut of the 16th century with the rose cut appearing by 1615. The flat rose cut was associated with Antwerp and the full rose cut with Amsterdam. The brilliant cut did not appear until later.

Natasha Awais-Dean – Glittering garments and precious pieces
Men and jewellery in Tudor and Jacobean England was the subject of Natasha’s PhD thesis, and her book on the subject is due to be published by the British Museum Press in 2016. Natasha looked not only at what was worn by the rich, but also at the few items that survive that might have been worn by those lower down the social scale, for example a gilded copper-bronze ring listed on the PAS database. She also looked at the wearing of gold chains as a way of carrying your money around with you. She used as an example gold chains found around the neck of a victim of the Spanish1622 Atocha sinking, the weight of the chains is exactly equivalent to a certain number of Spanish gold coins of the period. The question of the use of gold buttons was also examined, as she pointed out gold buttons in the Earl of Pembroke inventory are listed separately from the clothing, being listed with the jewellery, which may indicate that they could be sewn onto different clothes as required. Finally Natascha talked about hat ornaments, stating that some were made in England and some were cast in one piece, they had four loops at the edge for attaching to the hat. She said that the later aigrette styles go with the fashion for taller hats, I don't think she showed this one, which is in the British Museum.

Geoffrey Munn in conversation with Deirdre Murphy
Geoffrey Munn in conversation with Deirdre Murphy
Geoffrey Munn is the jewellery expert for the television series Antiques Roadshow and he started his conversation with Deirdre with an explanation of the meanings of the jewellery worn by Elizabeth I in the Armada portrait, the version he used was that in the National Portrait Gallery. He focused on the pearls as purity and the bow as virginity. He then went on to cross the centuries looking at later jewellery, and spoke about jewellery he owned which he had brought with him, which we were allowed to look at afterward. 

Maria Hayward – From Whitehall to Wolf Hall: gold in Henry VIII’s wardrobe
Unfortunately I wasn’t able to stay for this paper, so I am hoping that Maria will have it published somewhere.

Clothes for the Bridlington Poor 1637.

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Detail of the poor. Tichborne Dole 1671

With many thanks to Paul Leask who passed the information to me. 

The information we have on clothing provided to the poor in the mid seventeenth century has increased considerably over the years. Spufford noted the Beccles overseers’ accounts for 1636-7 and 1645-69.(1) Saunders worked on the churchwarden accounts for several London parishes covering the period 1630-1680,(2) and Tankard used a variety of sources for her work on the clothing of the poor in Sussex. (3) The accounts for Bridlington give us provision in a small Yorkshire town for just one year 1637.(4) 

Bridlington
Bridlington is a small town on the Yorkshire coast. The manor of Bridlington was sold by its owner Sir George Ramsey, to thirteen men from the town who purchased it on behalf of all the tenants. In 1636 these men became the feofees (trustees) of the manor, and the record of the giving of clothing to the poor comes from the following year. (5) In 1643 Henrietta Maria landed there with troops to support her husband.

The costs
The record commences with a statement of the costs involved, or at least some of the costs. The fabrics themselves are given as “Bestowed in cloath for the poor of Bridlington cum Key the summe of £4 15s 6d,” a man called Atken, presumably a tailor, is then paid 6s 0d for “making the poore cloathes.” (4) This relationship between the cost of cloth and the making is similar to that in other places. In Rothfield, Sussex in 1663 four and three quarter ells of lockram plus thread  cost 4s 10d but the cost of making was only 8d, while in 1667 the provision of a coat involved three yards of kersey at 6s, but  only 1s 6d for the making and the buttons. (3)

The quantities
Twenty six gifts were made to twenty five people, eighteen women and six men, plus two gifts of hose to Julian Clarke, whose sex is unclear. Six of the women are described with the prefix Uxor, which means wife, rather than a Christian name. Only two items are for children.

The fabrics
Unfortunately the quote is “Bestowed in cloath.” There is no indication what type or types of cloth, or price per yard, and no indication of the length, so it is uncertain whether it made just these items or if there was fabric left over. Provision for the poor usually involved cheap cloth, the Trustees of an almshouse in Greenwich in 1615 decreed the warden should “make this purchase of cloth in the best season of the yeare when and where he may have yt the best cheape.” (6) However it was not all of the cheapest, fabrics mentioned by those providing poor Londoners with clothes in the 17th century include for wools: broadcloth, cottons, and flannel, and for flax: buckram, canvas, and linen.(2) 

The only material mentioned in the accounts is for William Bower who is given a “dublet and breeches of calves lether with lineinge of hardin” Harden is a coarse flax fabric described by Markham in 1615 as “That which comes from the flaxe being a little towed again in a paire of wool cards, will make a course harding.” (7) Clothing made of leather was relatively common and did not necessarily come from the tailor, a glover’s widow in 1682 had nineteen pairs of leather breeches in stock. (8)

Clothes for men
George Whiteinge described as “a prentice” is given two new shirts. There is no indication as to whether he is a child supported by the parish who is being indentured, or just a very poor apprentice. It was common for parish overseers who were paying for pauper children’s indentures to also provide clothing. In London Saunders noted that the richer parishes provided better clothes. In 1630 St. Botolph Aldgate paid, “for clothing a child put to prentice 15s 4d”, while in 1658/9 the richer St Dunstan in the West paid £1 14s 11d for  “John Dunstan an apprentice.”(2)

Three men, John Ulyet, Edward ffoster, and Richard Sampson are given coats, as is Nan Denie, though her coat is described as fully lined. They are given coats rather than doublets, one man William Bower, mentioned above and described as “the ideote” was given, a “dublet and breeches of calves lether with lineinge of hardin.” The choice of leather may be because it is harder wearing.

Matthew Man is given a safeguard, but whether this is for him or a female member of his family we don’t know.  

Clothes for women
The clothes for women are of two types and here we have terminology questions. Women are given, upper bodies and safeguards. There are six “upper body and sleeves,” while one is just an upper body. There are nine safeguards, including the one for Matthew Man. Fairly obviously these are a main garment for the upper body and a main garment for the lower body, but elsewhere in the country these are usually referred to a waistcoats and petticoats, however sometimes a distinction is made. In 1633 Elizabeth Reynes probate has her owning, among other garments, “a payre of bodice, ... two wastcoates and two old wastcoates more.”(8) Sometimes you get references to petticoats and safeguards, indicating that they are different garments, Buck records Annis Smith in Bedfordshire in 1618, having a wardrobe that consisted of three gowns, five petticoats, three waistcoats, two hats, a safeguard and a cloak, (9) while Tankard quotes a coroner’s inquest, into the suicide of Joan Hawkins in 1606, as noting that her clothing included a petticoat, a russet petticoat and a safeguard. (3) 

The “upper body and sleeves,” is this a boned or an unboned garment? No one can say definitively, but since the payment is just for cloth probably not. When bodies were provided by the Beccles overseers in 1630 they were of canvas.(1) This fits with the London bylaw that for maid servants bodies were to have no stiffening “saving canvas or buckram only.”(10)  Arnold gives a definition of bodies that, “In the second half of the sixteenth century this term refers to both the stiffened inner garment, and the upper part of a woman’s gown fitted close to the body, what we would now describe as a bodice.”(11) Randle Holme describes waistcoats as “an habit or garment generally worn by the middle and lower sort of women, having goared skirts, and some wear them with stomachers.” (12) One wonders if perhaps a waistcoat could be made by a non- professional, a woman at home, while bodies implies that it is made by a tailor, Elizabeth Coulstocke, on trial for theft in 1651 stated that she had intended to make a linsey-woolsey waistcoat from the disputed fabric. (3) Other options are that, for bodies sleeves were an optional extra, hence one woman who received a body without sleeves, or that bodies would be worn with something over them, whereas waistcoats would not.  So although there may be some distinction between the two garments, it is impossible to say what it might be.

The term safeguard, which was common at the time, would also seem to be different in some way from a petticoat. Over the years safeguard has become associated with travelling, however Minsheu in 1617 gives the meaning simply as, “a saveguard for a woman, because it guards the other clothes from soiling.”(13) Phillips dictionary also gives this meaning, “A kind of Dust-gown, or upper Garment worn by Women, commonly called a Safe-Guard”(14) Arnold gives a 1585 description of a safeguard as, “a kind of array or attire reaching from the navel down to the feet,” which implies a skirt.(11)  Holme describes it as part of a riding habit, “put about the middle and so doth secure the feet from cold and dirt.”(12) In the context of Bridlington, it appears to be simply a skirt of some sort.

Clothes for children
Two items are given for children, in both cases apparently to the mother.  One woman, Jane Browne, is given “a paire of breeches for a boy,” presumably her son. The breeches would imply that the child was over the age for breeching, so older than five or six years. Francis Story is given a “childe coate,” children’s coats were probably ankle length with a centre front fastening to the waist. (15) A coat may well indicate that it is for a younger child., but this style survived for many centuries in the uniforms of schools founded in the 16th and 17th centuries such as the various blue coat schools. The coat for poor scholars at Dulwich in 1619 was to be “of good cloth of sad colour, the bodice lined with canvas and the skirts with white cotton. (6)

Bibliography
1. Spufford, M. 1984. The Great Reclothing of Rural England: Petty Chapmen and Their Wares in the Seventeenth Century. London: Hambledon Press
2. Saunders, A. S. 2006. Provision of Apparel for the Poor in London, 1630–1680. Costume, 40, 21-27
3. Tankard, D. 2012. 'A Pair of Grass-Green Woollen Stockings': The Clothing of the Rural Poor in Seventeenth-Century Sussex. Textile History, 43 (1), 5-22.
4. Purvis, J.S. 1926.  Bridlington Charters, Court Rolls and Papers, XVI - XIX Century. Being a selection of Documents Illustrating the History of Bridlington Under the Rule of the Lords Feoffees. London: Brown.
5. Sheahan, J. J. and Whellan, T. 1856. History and Topography of the City of York and the Ainsty Wapentake and the East Riding of Yorkshire, vol 2. Beverley:  Green.
6.  Cunnington, P. and Lucas, C. 1978. Charity costumes of children, scholars, almsfolk, pensioners. London: Black
7. Markham, G. 1615. Countrey Contentments: The Engish Huse-wife. I.B. for R. Jackson,)
8. Williams, L. And Thomson, S. Eds. 2007. Marlborough Probate Inventories 1591-1775. Chippenham: Wiltshire Record Society.
9. Buck, A. 2000. Clothing and textiles in Bedfordshire Inventories 1617-1620. Costume, 34, 25-38
10. Cunnington, P. and Lucas, C. 1967. Occupational costume in England. London: Black
11. Arnold, J. 1988. Queen Elizabeth’s Wardrobe Unlock’d. Leeds: Maney
12. Holme, R. 1688. Academie of Armourie. s.l.:s.n.
13. Minsheu, J. 1617. The guide into tongues.
14. Phillips, E. And Kersey, J. 1706. New World of Words. London: Phillips
15. Buck, A. 1996. Clothes and the child. Bedford: Ruth Bean

The Ladies Dressing Room – a 1694 A to Z

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1694 - Lady in winter clothing

Women’s headdresses in the late seventeenth century were incredibly complex, and reached heights unseen since the hennin in the fifteenth century. The Ladies Dictionary, written by N.  H. and printed by John Dunton in 1694, discusses much about the fashions of the time, a facsimile reprint of this was published in 2010. 


In 1925 a collection of extracts from the Ladies Dictionary was published under the title The Closet of Beauty, and the A-Z below comes from a section of this entitled Apparel or the Ladies' Dressing Room.


To illustrate the fashion being discussed I have chosen two images. A 1694 fashion plate engraved by the French artist Jean Dieu de Saint-Jean (1654-1695) shows a lady in winter clothing, wearing, from the list below; a commode, echelles, engageants, mouche and a palatine. The second engraving is of Queen Mary II, and shows more detail of the headdress

 An Attache –is as much to say, vulgarly, tack’d or fasten’d together, or one thing fasten’e to another
A Burgoigin– is that part of the head-dress that covers the hair, being the first part of the dress.
A Berger– is a little lock, plain, with a Puff turning up like the ancient fashion used by shepherdesses.
A Campaigne – is a kind of a narrow lace, pick’d or scallop’d.
A Choux– is the round boss behind the head, resembling a cabbage, and the French accordingly so name it.
A Colberteen – is a lace resembling network, being of the manufacture of Monsieur Colbert, a French states-man.
A Commode–is a frame of wire, two or three stories high, fitted for the head, or cover’d with tiffany, or other thin silks: being now completed into the whole Head-dress.
A Confidant– is a small curl next the ear.
A Cornet is the upper pinner that dangles about the cheeks, hanging down with flaps.
A Creve-coeur– by some call’d heart-breaker, is the curl’d lock at the nape of the neck, and generally there are two of them.
A Crunch or Crunches– are the small locks that dangle on the forehead.
An Echelles– is a stomacher lac’d or ribboned in the form of steps of a ladder.
Engageants– are double ruffles that fall over the wrists.
Al-Favourites– a sort of modish locks which hang dangling on the temples.
A Flandan– is a kind of pinner joined with a cornet.
A Font-Ange – is a modish top knot first worn by Mademoiselle d’Fontange, one of the French King’s Misses, from whom it takes its name.
Queen Mary II
A Jardine– is a single pinner next the low mark or Burgogn.
A pair of Martial’s gloves so called from the Frenchman’s name, who pretends to make them better than others.
A Mont la Haut  - is a certain wire that raises the head-dress by degrees or stories.
A Mouchoir– is only that which we vulgarly call a handkerchief.
A Mouche – is a fly or black patch.
A Murtnere– is a black knot that unites and ties the curls of the hair.
A Palantine– is that which used to be called a sable-tippet, but that name is change to one that is supposed to be finer, because newer, and a la mode de France.
A Passanger – is a curled lock next to the temple, and commonly two of them are used.
A Panache– is any tassel of ribbons very small, etc.
A Ragg – is a quaint name they give to point or lace, so that the sempstresses who bring them to the chambers of the ladies are called by them ragwomen.
A Rayonne – is a hood placed over the rest, pinned in a circle.
A Settee – is only a double pinner.
A Sortie  - is a little knot of small ribbons; it appears between the bonnet and the pinner.
A Spagnolet  - is a gown with narrow sleeves and lead in them to keep them down a la Spagnole.
A Sultane – is one of these new fashioned gowns with buttons and loops.
A Surtout– is a night-hood, which goes over or covers the rest of the head-gear.
A Tour – is an artificial dress of hair, first invented by some ladies that had lost their own hair, and borrowed of other to cover their shame, but since it is brought into a fashion.
An Asasm or Venez moy –signifies a breast knot, or may serve for the two leading strings that pull a lady to her sweetheart.

Fans – Special issue of Seventeenth-Century French Studies

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Louis XIV R°" by Bruno Befreetv, via Wikimedia Commons 
For those with an interest in the history of fan the journal Seventeenth-Century French Studies has published an entire issue of the subject, Volume 36, Issue no. 1, 2014.

As you can tell from the contents listed below, two of the articles are in French and the rest in English:-




New Pleasure in Life Unfolding: Madeleine de Scudéry’s Friendship Fan, by Laura Burch. pp. 4–17
The frisson of No-Touch: A Fan’s Gallant Allegory of the Senses, Juliette Cherbuliez. pp. 18–27
Le don du roi, ou les vingt ans du Grand Dauphin, byMarie-Claude Canova-Green. pp. 28–37
Fanning The ‘Judgment of Paris’: The Early Modern Beauty Contest, by Elizabeth C. Goldsmith. pp. 38–52
Putti Galore: ‘Eventails de Bosse’ and the Judgment of Paris, by Karen Newman. pp. 53–72
A Battle for Hearts and Minds: Turenne and Louis XIV, by Harriet Stone. pp. 73–83
Introduction à l’éventail européen aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, by Pierre-Henri Biger. pp. 84–92

One woman’s clothes - 1628-1637

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C Johnson. Unknown woman c.1630
 In an earlier post I looked at the clothes bought for Nicholas LeStrange for his marriage in 1630, and that post gives the background to the family. In this post I will look at the clothes provided to Elizabeth LeStrange between 1628 (when she was 13) and 1637 (after her wedding). As with the previous post I have not looked at the originals, but at the book on the LeStrange accounts. (Whittle & Griffiths, 2012)

Over the nine year period fifteen outfits were purchased, some included accessories others did not. Between 1628 and 1632, the time she reached the age eighteen, she would have been growing, and over this period she received seven outfits. Between 1633 and her marriage in June 1635 she received four outfits. Two outfits were purchased for her wedding, one four months after her wedding and one (the most expensive) in April 1637. These outfits did not constitute the whole of her purchases of clothing, as items such as shoes, stockings, linens, gloves etc. were purchased separately. In addition from the age of 21 she received an annual allowance for clothes of £40 a year, equivalent to the income of a tradesman’s family.

The outfits purchased for Elizabeth range in cost from £3 10s for a petticoat and waistcoat of black silk-watered mohair in 1635, to £61 17s 10d for a plush and silver and gold tissued grogram outfit given to her as a present after her marriage.

To get an idea of what her outfits might have looked liked above is a 1630 portrait by Cornelius Johnson of an unknown woman. Her outfit is very similar in style to this 1633 portrait, also by Johnson, of Lady Margaret Hungerford. Johnson was one of the most popular portrait painters of his day until Anthony Van Dyck returned to England in 1632. Using Van Dyck’s paintings as examples can be problematical because, as Gordenker(2001)has argued, Van Dyck can “simplify” his sitter’s dress to produce a style sometimes referred to as “careless romance.”

The garments

 There were: 10 Petticoats, 9 Gowns, 7 Waistcoats, 1 Kirtle, 3 Stomachers, 2 (pairs of) Bodies,
2 (pairs of) Sleeves, 1 Roll, and 1 (set of) Gorget and cuffs.

Petticoats: By this time separate skirts are referred to as petticoats, in the sixteenth century petticoats could be referred to as having an upperbody. (Huggett, 1999)Randle Holme (1688)(who will be much referred to) calls petticoats “the skirt of the gown without its body; but that is generally termed a peti-coat, which is worn either under a gown, or without it.” It is sometimes difficult in Alice’s accounts to pick out which fabric goes with which garment. Sometimes a petticoat and waistcoat will be purchased together as in “petticoat and waistcoat of watered sky-coloured taffeta with silver lace, £8 16s. However sometimes there is an amount of fabric purchased for a gown, possibly with an integral skirt, and a further amount for a petticoat to wear under it, as in 18 yards of crimson tammel for a gown, plus 9 yards of white and red Norwich damask for a petticoat.

1620s outfit photo c.1929
Gown: Gown is a term that, like petticoat, is changing its meaning. A gown can be what you wear over, either a waistcoat and petticoat combination, or a pair of bodies with sleeves and maybe a stomacher and a petticoat. In 1630 16 yards of black tufted grogram were purchased for a gown, and 12 yards of lemon coloured satin for a waistcoat to go with it.  There was a petticoat but we don’t know if it was black or lemon, only that half a yard of yellow perpetuana was bought to border the petticoat. Gowns rarely survive but there was one in a French collection before the Second World War, as shown in this very old photograph. A rear view of something similar can be seen in one of Hollar’s prints from his 1640 Ornatus Muliebris series. A gown can also mean the whole ensemble, the bodice part and the petticoat part, even though they are separate. Randle Holme (1688)describes a woman’s gown as having “several parts” among which he includes; the stays, the stomacher, the sleeves, and the skirt or gown skirt.


Waistcoats: Do not think of men’s waistcoats, these are very different. Randle Holme (1688)describes a waistcoat as “the outside of a gown without either stays or bodies fastened to it ....some wear them with stomachers.” He also speaks of them having gored skirts, so probably with a stomacher they looked like this 1620-1630 example in the Museum of London, a pattern for this appears in Waugh (1968), diagram no. 4; or without a stomacher like this pink silk waistcoat from 1610-1620 in the Victoria and Albert Museum. Detailed information, photographs and patterns for the pink silk waistcoat appear in North and Tiramani (2011) so I am not sure why the photos on the V&A website are in black and white.

Bodies: Elizabeth received two pairs of bodies, these are often seen as equating to eighteen century stays, or nineteenth century corsets, which they do to a certain extent. They are boned and can be undergarments, but can be covered with an outer layer making it suitable for visible wear. They can also come with separate sleeves, as in the pink set from the 1660s in the Victoria and Albert Museum, information and a pattern for this appear in the second North and Tiramani (2012) book. Both the outfits purchased for Elizabeth’s wedding came with bodies, a pair of bodies for 8s and a pair of damask bodies for £1 2s. In addition either the gown or, more likely, the waistcoat in Elizabeth’s black and lemon outfit was stiffened, as the accounts for it include a sum for bents. Bents were stiff or rigid reeds that were used instead of whalebone to provide stiffening to garments. 


Sleeves: Two pairs of sleeves appear in the accounts and in both cases they are listed with a stomacher. They may be like the sleeves that come with the pink bodies mentioned above, and lace to an armhole.

Van Dyck. Henrietta Maria
Stomachers: The stomacher is the infill covering the stomach, or as Holme says, “is that peece that lieth under the lacings or binding of the body of the gown.” This lacing over a stomacher can clearly be seen in this Van Dyck portrait of Henrietta Maria. Unfortunately stomachers rarely survive with the garment they were designed for, although several stomachers on their own do survive as in this late 17th century example in the Feller Collection.


Kirtle: One kirtle is listed. By the 1620s this is a very old fashioned term. It was falling out of use by the late 16th century as Huggett (1999)has shown in her comparison of wills from the third and fourth quarters of the sixteenth century. It is generally considered that a kirtle had a body, which could be made of a different fabric to the skirt, and was worn under the gown. (Mikhaila & Malcolm-Davies, 2006)


Roll: Farthingales had gone out of fashion by 1620, but some fashionable women still used what Holmes referred to as “bearers, rowls, fardingales” to “raise up the skirt at that place to what breadth the wearer pleaseth, and as the fashion is.”


Gorget and cuffs: A gorget according to the OED is a covering for the neck and breast. Unlike a neckerchief, which was usually square, the gorget was curved and was therefore bracketed with rails, which were a lightweight shoulder cape, as in Corbet’s circa 1635 poem which says, “To the Ladyes of the New Dresse, That weare their gorgets and rayles doune to their wastes.” An example is in the Victoria and Albert Museum, and is described in detail in North & Tiramani(2012, pp. 116-121). The bone (bobbin) lace on the cuffs, since they were purchased as a set, would probably have matched the lace on the gorget, and a £6 12s cost more than some of her petticoat and waistcoat sets. Here is a collar and cuffs set from the 1630s in the V&A, in this example the collar is tucked into the neckline of the gown and is not worn at the throat.

The fabrics

As well as fabrics most would recognise, such as satin, damask and taffeta, there are many fabrics that are less well known. Listed below are these fabrics and definitions for them as well as an indication of how they were used. The definitions used here all come from the OED online edition or Beck (1882) unless otherwise stated:

Baize (bays): This is not the baize we think of today used for covering snooker tables and the like. It was one of the new draperies. Beck states that it was introduced to England in 1561. The OED describes it as “A coarse woollen stuff, having a long nap,” but in the seventeenth century it is often described as slight or thin. In the accounts it is used for a scarlet petticoat,

Camel’s hair (camlet):This is a fabric which is very difficult to pin down, as Beck says, “the changes have been rung with all materials in every possible combination, sometimes wool, sometimes silk, sometimes hair.” It is often mentioned with, or conflated with grograms, as in a charter of 1641 which has “grogram or mohair yarne” and “chamletts or grograms” In the accounts it is used for a petticoat.

Grogram: The OED has this as a coarse fabric of silk, of mohair and wool, or of these mixed with silk; often stiffened with gum. This was used for three of the gowns, one of them is described as tufted grogram, and another, which is in silver and gold, as tissued. There is a later, 1660s, silver tissue dress in the Fashion Museum at Bath.

Perpetuana: Another of the new draperies. OED describes it as a durable woollen fabric, but Beck mentions that John May in 1613  complained that although it had kept its width and length its pitch (pick) had gone down from 1200 to 800. Half a yard of this fabric was used to border a petticoat.

Plush: A rich fabric of silk, cotton, wool, or other material (or any of these combined), Beck describes it as a long napped velvet. Twelve yards of this (cost £12), was used together with 11¼ yards of gold and silver tissued grogram (cost £36) to make Elizabeth’s most expensive gown.


Princely: This does not appear in the OED or Beck, so we really don’t know what it was.


Tabby: Is a general term for a silk taffeta, but in this case it is described as brocaded tabby, and 6 yards are used in the tissued gown.

Philizela: Is not in the OED or Beck, but may well be philoselle which in both is a wrought silk. This was used for a crimson gown.

Sarcenet: A very fine and soft silk material made both plain and twilled. This was used for a petticoat, a waistcoat and a gown.

Tammel: Now this could be stammel, which according to the OED is, a coarse woollen cloth, or linsey-woolsey. More likely, given the other fabrics purchased for her, it could be Tammy (also spelt as Tammis), which the OED describes as “A fine worsted cloth of good quality, often with a glazed finish.” This was used for three gowns.

The lace

There is tendency to think of lace entirely in terms of white, and of either bobbin or needle lace. Where the reference is just to bone (bobbin) lace, as in 10 yards of bone lace, then this is probably true, but Elizabeth also has black and metallic laces. Lace at this period can refer to lace in a modern sense, but it can also refer to what today we would probably refer to as braid. The metallic laces are listed not only by length, but by the weight of the metal in them, as in 28 yards of silver bone lace weighing 32¼ ounces. A bodice dating to 1650-70 in the Museum of London shows this type of heavy silver lace decorating the front. There was a law suit in the 1590s when a gentleman was charged by his tailor for a certain weight of metallic lace, his servant thought there wasn’t enough and took all the lace off and weighed it, discovering that it was 80 ounces less than had been paid for. (Levey, 1983) There are also references in Elizabeth’s clothing to galloon lace (which is a braid lace), whip lace, edging lace and comparsed lace.


The colours

Two of the gowns and four of the petticoat and waistcoat sets were black, which was an extremely popular colour, and appears in almost every fabric type, grogram, satin, taffeta, lace, tammel, damask, princely and mohair.  One gown and the kirtle with a stomacher were a pearl colour. One gown was silver, for her wedding, and another silver and gold, which was the most expensive garment purchased.

Reds were traditionally a colour often used for petticoats. Elizabeth has two gowns of crimson, one with a white and red damask petticoat, and the other with a watchet (light blue-green) and yellow stitched taffeta for the petticoat, sleeves and stomacher. Three yards of scarlet baize were used for a petticoat.

One of the black gowns, purchased at the time of her brother’s wedding, had a lemon coloured satin waistcoat, and half a yard of yellow perpetuana was used to border the petticoat.

Blue appears only as a watered sky coloured taffeta for a waistcoat and petticoat set.

One waistcoat and petticoat set was of green watered taffeta, and five yards of green stitched taffeta was used in another outfit, though it is not obvious what it was for.

References

Beck, S. W., 1882. The draper's dictionary. https://archive.org/details/drapersdictionar00beck. London: Wharehousmen and Drapers Journal.

Gordenker, E., 2001. Anthony Van Dyck and the representation of dress in seventeenth century portraiture. Turnhout: Brepols.

Holme, R., 1688. Academie of Armourie. s.l.:s.n.

Huggett, J., 1999. Rural costume in Elizabethan Essex: a study based on the evidence from wills.. Costume, Volume 33.

Levey, S., 1983. Lace: a history. London: Victoria and Albert Museum.

Mikhaila, N. & Malcolm-Davies, J., 2006. The Tudor tailor. London: Batsford.

North, S. & Tiramani, J., 2011. Seventeenth century women's dress patterns, book 1. London: Victoria and Albert Museum.

North, S. & Tiramani, J., 2012. Seventeenth century women's dress patterns, book 2. London: Victoria and Albert Museum.

Waugh, N., 1968. The cut of women's clothes 1600-1930. London: Faber.

Whittle, J. & Griffiths, E., 2012. Consumption and gender in the early seventeenth century household: the world of Alice Le Strange.. Oxford: O.U.P.

The two photographs from paintings are via Wikimedia Commons.

A Sixteenth Century Mitten from London – with pattern

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Original mitten in Museum of London
Among the collection of sixteenth century knitted items in the Museum of London is a child's knitted mittenfound at Finsbury. It looks as though it could have been bought from Marks and Spencer, but is over 400 years old.  A similar mitten of a similar date is in the Norwich and Norfolk Museums’ collection, and a pattern for this has been published.(Huggett & Mikhaila, 2013)



The Museum of London mitten is 13 centimetres (5 inches) long by 7 centimetres (2¾ inches) wide including the thumb, and therefore probably belonged to a child of about five years of age.  Unfortunately the MoL has not put a measure in the photographs of it, but from the known width it would appear to be knitted at around 12 stitches to 5 centimetres (6 stitches to the inch)

Finished reproduction
The mitten is knitted in pale brown wool, with a three row decoration at the wrist in black wool. Unlike the Norwich mitten and most modern mittens, it is knitted from the top of the fingers down to the cuff. Very little of the actual cuff exists but appears to be 6 rows of garter stitch.

I am not the world’s best knitter (understatement of the year), however I have had a go at producing an adult size pattern – several goes actually but this one seems to work.


I used double knitting wool on a set of four 4mm (UK size 8, and US size 6) needles, this knits up as a roughly 24 stitches by 30 rows to a 10 cm square. The colours I used were gold for the main colour and dark brown for the contrast. The size given here fits me; I am a UK size 7 in gloves. Ihave indicated below how it can be altered for larger or smaller hands. I am not a follow the pattern type knitter so the instructions may not be what you are used to.

Start the top of the thumb.
Cast on 7 stitches over three needles, leaving enough of a tail to finish off and close any hole at the end.
K round.
K1, increase 1, repeat to end of round (14 stitches on the needles – this is enough for my thumb, large thumbs may require more stitches, smaller thumbs less)
K until the thumb reaches the length of your thumb, as in the photo.
Put the stitches to keep on a length of yarn, or a stitch holder, leaving a long enough tail to graft one side of the thumb to the hand.

Start the top of the hand.
Cast on 12 stitches over three needles, leaving enough of a tail to finish off and close any hole at the end.
K round.
K1, increase 1, repeat to end of round. (18 stitches on the needles)
K round.
K1, increase 1, repeat to end of round. (27 stitches on needles)
K round
K1, increase 1, repeat to end of round. (40 stitches on needles)
K round
K9, increase 1, repeat to end of round. (44 stitches on needles - this is enough for my hand, larger hands may require more stitches, smaller hands less)
K to bottom of fingers, as in the photo

Now we need to add in the thumb and play with needles. Four stitches from the thumb and four stitches from the fingers need to be put on a length of yarn, or a stitch holder, to be grafted together later. In the photo you can see the green yarn is holding the stitches.
You may find it easier to graft together these stitches now, rather than at the end.
Split the remaining thumb stitches across two of the needles. This will form the outer edge of the mitten, where you will later decrease to the wrist.
You should now have 50 stitches on your needles.

K round, you may need to knit into the grafted stitches at either side of the thumb, or you will end up with a hole.
K round (you will probably have 52 stitches on your needles now), until you reach the point where the hand starts narrowing to the wrist.

Next round starting at the thumb edge. K 8, k2tog, k until 10 from end of round. k2tog, k to end of round
Next round k
Next round K 6, k2tog, k until 8 from end of round. k2tog, k to end of round
Next round k
Next round K 4, k2tog, k until 6 from end of round. k2tog, k to end of round
Next round k
Next round K 2, k2tog, k until 4 from end of round. k2tog, k to end of round (You should now have 42 stitches on your needles.
Knit until you reach the wrist bone.
Now to add in the decoration.
New round k in the contrast colour.
Next round k1 contrast, k1 main colour, repeat to end of round.
Next round knit in contrast colour. 
Next round return to main colour, and knit until just short of the length you want it to be.
For the cuff - First round p, 2nd round k, repeat these two rounds twice and cast off.

Finishing
Sew up the hole at the top of the fingers and any holes at the top and bottom of the thumb.  Tidy in the ends of your contrast colour, and your cast off.

Reference:

Huggett, J. & Mikhaila, N., 2013. The Tudor Child. Lightwater: Fat Goose

Blandford Fashion Museum

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Blandford Fashion Museum
Paid a visit to the Blandford Fashion Museum, housed in a mid 18th century house in the town of Blandford Forum, Dorset. The museum collection started life as the personal collection of the late Mrs Betty Penny. Mrs Penny used to go around the country with her collection holding catwalk fashion shows in which people wore the original garments she owned. Members of the museums community were horrified, but Mrs Penny over her lifetime raised over half a million pounds for charity by doing this. Late in her life Mrs Penny founded the museum, and in 2004 it received museum accreditation. The whole house, about 10 rooms, contains the collection, which has increased considerably since her death.
Blushing Brides

The garments are arranged sometimes by theme and sometimes by period. The collections start with the mid 18th century, in Room 2 done out as a Georgian parlour, and go up to the 1980s, Room 8 contains three Frank Usher outfits from the 1970s and 1980s. There are two rooms with exhibitions that change on a regular basis. At the moment there are two exhibitions, Blushing Brides (Room 3), and Passion for Pattern (Room 7). Blushing brides contains 19th century wedding dresses, some of which have original documentation including photographs of the dress being worn by its original owner. Passion for fashion covers the whole period of the collection, and all types of patterned garments. 
Passion for Pattern

The Dorset craft room contains specifically local items, and as well as the ubiquitous Dorset buttons, has examples of the local glove and lacemaking crafts. There are also examples of 19th century working women’s bonnets, and men’s smocks. 

 
The final room is a tea shop were one may purchase a reviving cream tea.

The website for further information is http://www.theblandfordfashionmuseum.com

The old laundry at Killerton

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Figure 1
 This is not early modern but a nineteenth, stretching into early twentieth century laundry. It is a reminder that before electricity laundry techniques had changed little for centuries. The notes in the laundry indicate that on Mondays the laundry was collected, sorted, and entered into a laundry book. So they had a record of what had been laundered.

Figure 1: There is a wash copper heated from below, you can see were the coals were put in underneath to heat the water. To the right is a dolly tub with a dolly stick in it. Before the use of galvanised steel these tubs were made of wood. Garments were pounded using the dolly stick.

Figure 2
 Figure 2: This, according to the half vanished label, is a washing machine. A hand powered agitator would have fitted into the slot that can be seen at the back, and you can also see a drain tap at the bottom.

Figure 3
 Figure 3: Alternatively items could be washed in a sink using a washboard. Killerton sinks are distinctly up market as they have hot as well as cold taps.

Figure 4
Figure 4: After washing items could be mangled to get out the excess water. I have early memories of my mother and grandmother using one of these in the late 1950s, just before we purchased an electric washing machine with an integral mangle mounted on the top, so you could take the washing straight out of the water and put it through the mangle. 
Figure 5


Figure 5: Killerton being a grand house washing could be dried indoors in bad weather, in a drying cupboard. The drying racks pull in and out on runners, and the bottom of the cupboard has heated pipes to aid the drying.

Figure 6
Figure 6: Less up market families dried items on clothes horses in front of a fire.

 Figure 7: After drying comes ironing, and here is a selection of the flat and box irons, and a goffering iron on display at Killerton.


Figure 7




Several other stately homes have similar laundries which are on display to the public, for example Kingston Lacy in Dorset, Llanerchaeron in Ceredigion and Berrington Hall in Herefordshire

A farmer's wife - 1540s

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From Heywood's Spider & the Flie. 1556

John (or possibly his brother Anthony (1470-1538)) Fitzherbert's Book of Husbandry, first published 1523, is a classic in the history of English farming literature. It goes well beyond just farming, and below is the book's description of the work of a farmer's wife, from a 1548 edition. I have modernised spellings, and split it into paragraphs, as the original is one long paragraph. 

"And when thou art up and ready, then first sweep thy house, dress up thy dishboard, and set all good things in order within thy house: milk thy cow, suckle thy calves, sye (strain) up thy milks, take up thy children, array them, provide for thy husband’s breakfast, dinner, supper, and for thy children and servants, and take thy part with them. 

And to order corn and malt to the mill, and to bake and brew withal when need is. And mette (take) it to the mill, and fro the mill, and see that thou have thy measure against the desired toll, or else the miller dealeth not truely with thee, or else thy corn is not dry as it should be.

Thou must make butter and cheese when thou maist, serve thy swine both morning and evening, give thy poleyn(?) meat in the morning, and when time of the year cometh, thy must take heed how thy hens, ducks and geese do lay, and gather up their eggs, and when they wax broody, set then there as no beasts, swine, nor other vermin hurt them. And thou must know that all whole footed fowls will sit a month, and all cloven footed fowls will sit but three weeks, except a peahen, and great fowls as cranes, and bustards, and such other. And when they have bought forth their birds, so see, that they be kept from the gleyd (?), crows, fullymartens, and other vermin.

And in the beginning of March, or a little afore, is time for a wife to make her garden, and to get as many good seeds and herbs as she can, specially such as be good for the pot, and to eat: and as oft as need shall require, it must be weeded, for else the weeds will overgrow the herbs. And also in March is time to sow flax and hemp, for I have heard old housewives say, that better is March hurds (?) than April flax, the reason appeareth: but how it should be sown, weeded, pulled, reaped, watered, washed, dried, beaten, breaked, tawed, heckled, spun, wound, warped and woven, it needeth not for me to show, for they be wise enough, and thereof may they make sheets, boardcloths, towels, shirts, smocks and such other necessaries, and therefore let thy distaff be always ready for a pastime, that thou be not idle. And undoubted a woman can not get her living honestly with spinning on the distaff, but it stoppeth a cap and must needs be had. The boles of flax when they be ripiled of, mus be riddled from the weeds, and made dry with the sun, to get out the seeds. How be it that one manner of linseed, called loken seed, will not open by the sun, and therefore when they be dry, they must be sore bruised and broken, the wives know how, and then winnowed and kept dry, till their time come again.
...
It is convenient for a husband to have sheep of him own for many causes, and then may his wife have part of the wool, to make her husband and herself some clothes. And at the least way, she may have the locks of the sheep. either to make clothes or blankets and covelets or both, and if she have no wool of her own, she may take wool to spin of cloth makers, and by that mean she may have a convenient living, and many times do other works.

It is a wife’s occupation to know all many of corns, to make malt, to wash and wring, to make hay, shear corn, and in time of need to help her husband to fill the muck wain or dung cart, drive the plough, to load hay, corn and such other. And to go or ride to the market, to sell butter, cheese, milk, eggs, chickens, capons, hens, pigs, geese and all manner of corns. And also to buy all manner of necessary things belonging to household, and to make a true reckoning and account to her husband, what she hath received, and what she hath paid. And if the husband go to the market, to buy or sell, as they oft do, he then to show his wife in like manner. For if one of them should use to deceive the other, he deceiveth himself, and he is not like to thrive. And therefore they must be true either to other."

Smock Shift Chemise

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Figure 1: Engraving of a portrait of Nell Gwyn

I am fascinated by words and their origins. There are three words that describe what was the main women’s undergarment for over a thousand years – the smock, the chemise and the shift. Smock and chemise are part of that wonderful dichotomy that enriches the English language, and means that we have cattle and sheep in the field, but beef and mutton on the table. Smock is Old English, while chemise comes from the Latin and the French, and both terms appear to have been in use in the early middle ages – let’s say around the time of the Norman Conquest, so in different sections of Morris’s work on 12thcentury texts you have references to both, “Hire chemise smal and hwit” and “hire smoc hwit”. (1)  There being fashions in language, just as there are fashions in clothes, chemise more or less disappears in the middle ages.
By the middle of the 17th century people are still speaking of their smocks, but this is being replaced by that upstart word shift. Now shift comes from the idea of movement in the original use of the word, and by the late 16th, early 17th century people were using it in the way that we nowadays would speak of a change of clothes, so that for example of someone getting soaked on board ship it is said “He that had five or six shifts of apparel had scarce one dried thread to his back” (2) A hundred years later the shift has become a woman’s undergarment. By this time shift had also taken on the meaning of the women’s changing room in Restoration theatres. Pepys writes of visiting the theatre where the actress Elizabeth Knepp took him “up into the tireing-rooms: and to the women’s shift, where Nell [Gwyn] was dressing herself”. (3) A print of Lely’s painting of Nell in a smock/shift is at Fig 1. 
By the late 17thcentury the term shift was in common use, with the 1696 work “The Merchant’s Wharehouse laid Open; or The Plain Dealing Linnen-Draper” declaring yard wide holland to be “the bredth for shifts for a moderate-size body, but for a Lusty woman it is too narrow.” In 1712 Addison used the word shift in his example of the rags make paper circle, writing, “The finest pieces of Holland [a cloth often used for shifts], when torn to tatters, assume a whiteness more beautiful than their first, and often return in the shape of letters to their native country. A lady’s shift may be metamorphosed into a billet-doux, and come into her possession a second time. ” (4) The smock continued in occasional use, the London Tradesman in 1747 is quoted as saying that holland, cambric and other fine fabric is provided to be made into, “smocks, aprons, tippets, hankerchiefs...” (5)
Moving into the late 18th century early 19th century, chemise makes its reappearance as a term, with the fashion for the chemise gown. In the 1780s the fashion for the chemise gown is definitely for an outer garment. The Ipswich Journal of April 1786 describes, “The chemise has two collars and is made of a pale lilac India lutestring (a type of taffeta)...the breast knot with which the chemise is tied and the shoes are of the same colour.” (6) 
By the middle of the 19th century it was referring to an undergarment. In his 1850 autobiography Leigh Hunt writes that shift, “that harmless expression has been set aside in favour of the French word chemise.” (7) As with the smock/shift change over the divisions are not that hard and fast. The word smock is still around, in the Ingoldsby Legends published in the 1840s someone is described as saying, “You may sell my chemise, (Mrs. P. was too well—bred to mention her smock)”
1. Morris, Richard.Old English homilies of the twelfth century · EETS 53, 1873. London : Early English Texts Society, 1873.
2. Beste, George.A true discourse of the late voyages of discouerie... London : Henry Bynnyman, 1578.
3. Pepys, Samuel.Diary. [Online] 5th October 1667. [Cited: 26th August 2014.] http://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/1667/10/05/.
4. Addison, Joseph.The Spectator. 1712, Vol. No. 367.
5. Tobin, Shelley.Inside out: a brief history of underwear. London : National Trust, 2000.
6. Cunnington, C. W. and P.Handbook of English costume in the Eighteenth century. 2nd . London : Faber, 1972.
7. Hunt, Leigh.The autobiography of Leigh Hunt . London : Smith, Elder, 1850.

Hollar's Autumn

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Figure 1 - P608


Having done blog posts on Hollar’s Winter and Spring, but not done one on his summer, now that the weather is changing I thought it a good idea to look at his Autumn. There are three Hollar Autumn figures (Pennington, 2002), his full length Autumn of 1644 – P608 (Figure 1), and his two half lengths of 1641 - P612 and P616 (Figures 2 and 3). The P numbers are the numbers given by Pennington to Hollar’s works.  
However much of what they wear is the same style as appears in the Winter and Spring clothing; the laced bodices coming down to a distinct point, the double neckerchief, and the soft hoods. Both the three quarter lengths have the “double” sleeve, that is a full length sleeve with a half length sleeve over it. Randle Holme’s (1688) comment on sleeves was that, “there is as much variety of fashion as days of the year.” This is similar to the style of bodice described and illustrated in Halls (1970) as being in the Museum of London, and dating to 1645-55 It is in pale blue silk and comes down to a point at the front, but does not have the double sleeve. A pattern for it appears in Waugh. (1968) Another surviving bodice of this period which does have the double sleeve also has a pattern in Waugh. This is a black velvet bodice in the Victoria and Albert Museum, unfortunately there is no image on the museum website.  
Figure 2 - P612
I admit to being a little confused by the apron of the full length figure, she appears to have a bodice with a short peplum or skirt, you can see by the change in direction of the shading lines between the sleeve and the apron. Her apron is worn over this, but appears to follow the line of the stomacher. I don’t think it is worn under it. It is difficult to work out what is happening.
Both the full length out of doors and the three quarter length P616 wear gloves, you can see the wrinkles in the leather. These are long gloves, reaching up as far as the elbow in some cases, and usually relatively undecorated, as in this 41 cm long examplefrom the late 17th century in the collection of the Glovers’ Company. Gloves were bought in vast quantities by the upper classes, over the course of one year the Marquis of Hertford’s family order 150 pairs of gloves, and these were for use, not associated with marriages or funerals where gloves might be given as gifts. (Morgan, 1945)
Figure 3 - P616
One thing that is interesting is that the full length wears a rectangle of fabric shawl like around her shoulders and tied at the front. This would not have been called a shawl as the word was not in use at this time. The earliest use of the word shawl in English is, according to the OED, in 1662 where Davies translating Adam Olearius’s voyages to Persia speaks of “another rich Skarf which they call Schal, made of a very fine stuff, brought by the Indians into Persia.” The word is originally Persian, and not used in English usage until the eighteenth century. The word scarf would more likely have been used at the time, except that it was used almost exclusively for men; scarves were at this time military or ecclesiastical.  This is not the only example of a rectangle of fabric being worn around the shoulders, presumably for warmth. Another Hollar illustration P1887shows a very similar figure. As you get later in the century Laroon depicts several poor street traders wearing similar, as in his hot baked wardens, or his London Gazette.
Halls, Z., 1970. Women's Costume 1600-1750. London: HMSO.
Holme, R., 1688. Academie of Armourie. s.l.:s.n.
Morgan, F. C., 1945. Private purse accounts of the Marquis of Hertford, Michaelmas 1641-2. Antiquaries Journal, 25(12-42).
Pennington, R., 2002. A descriptive catalogue of the etched work of Wenceslaus Hollar.. Cambridge: CUP .
Waugh, N., 1968. The cut of women's clothes 1600-1930. London: Faber.

Montaigne - Of the use of apparell

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Michel de Montaigne

I have been reading the essay by Michel de Montaigne (1533-1592) on the subject of clothes, and since he says he wrote it in the chill-cold season, I thought it appropriate for a December post. The version below is the translation by John Florio (1553-1625) that was published in 1603. I have left the spelling as it was published. It is interesting to compare translations, as they use the terminology of their day, so later translations refer to this essay not as Of the use of apparel, but On the custom of clothing.

While Montaigne’s thoughts roam across both continents and history he does make a few interesting comments on the clothing of his own country and estate, speaking for example of “country swains” going bare breasted to the navel. He compares himself to local husbandmen (small farmers), saying that while he would not go unbuttoned or untrussed, they would consider themselves fettered by buttoning and trussing. Which brings to mind re-enactors arguments as to whether working class men trussed there points, that is attached their breeches to their doublets. 

From Montaigne’s Essays - Chapter 35: Of the use of apparell.

Whatsoever I aime at, I must needs force some of customes contradictions, so carefully hath she barred all our entrances. I was devising in this chil-cold season whether the fashion of these late discovered nations to go naked, be a custome forced by the hot temperature of the ayre, as we say of the Indians and Moores, or whether it be an original manner of mankind. Men of understanding, forasmuch as whatsoever is contained under heaven (as saith the Holy Writ) is subject to the same lawes, are wont in such like considerations, where naturall lawes are to be distinguished from those invented by man, to have recourse to the generall policie of the world, where nothing that is counterfet can be admitted. Now, all things being exactly furnished else-whence with all necessaries to maintaine this being, it is not to be imagined that we alone should be produced in a defective and indigent estate, yea, and in such a one as cannot be maintained without forrain helpe. My opinion is, that even as all plants, trees, living creatures, and whatsoever hath life, is naturally seene furnished with sufficient furmture to defend it selfe from the injurie of all wethers:
Proptereaque fere res omnes, aut corio sunt,
Aut seta, aut conchis, aut cano, aut cortice tectæ. -- LUCR. iv. 932.
Therefore all things almost we cover'd marke,
With hide, or haire, or shels, or brawne, or barke.

Even so were we. But as those who by an artificiall light extinguish the brightnesse of the day, we have quenched our proper means by such as we have borrowed. And wee may easily discerne that only custome makes that seeme impossible unto us which is not so: For of those nations that have no knowledge of cloaths, some are found situated under the same heaven, and climate or parallel, that we are in, and more cold and sharper than ours. Moreover, the tenderest parts of us are ever bare and naked, as our eyes, face, mouth nose, and eares; and our country swaines (as our fore, fathers wont) most of them at this day goe bare-breasted downe to the navill. Had we beene borne needing petticoats and breeches, there is no doubt but Nature would have armed that which she hath left to the batteries of seasons and furie of wethers with some thicker skin or hide, as shee hath done our fingers ends and the soales of our feet. Why seemes this hard to be believed? Betweene my fashion of apparell and that of one of my countrie-clownes, I find much more difference betweene him and me than betweene his fashion and that of a man who is cloathed but with his bare skin. How many men (especially in Turkie) go ever naked for devotions sake? A certaine man demanded of one of our loytring rogues whom in the deep of frosty Winter he saw wandering up and downe with nothing but his shirt about him, and yet as blithe and lusty as anot her that keepes himselfe muffled and wrapt in wanne furres up to the eares; how he could have patience to go so. 'And have not you, good Sir'(answered he)'your face all bare? Imagine I am all face.' The Italians report (as far as I remember) of the Duke of Florence his fool, who when his Lord asked him how, being so ill-clad, he could endure the cold, which he hardly was able to doe himselfe; to whom the foole replied: 'Master, use but my receipt and put all the cloaths you have upon you, as I doe all mine; you shall feele no more cold than I doe.' King Massinissa, even in his eldest daies, were it never so cold, so frosty, so stormie, or sharpe wether, could never be induced to put something on his head, but went alwaies bareheaded. The like is reported of the Emperor Severus. In the battles that past betweene the Ægyptians and the Persians, Herodotus saith, that both himselfe and divers others tooke speciall notice that of such as lay slaine on the ground the Ægyptians sculs were without comparison much harder than the Persians: by reason that these go ever with their heads covered with coifs and turbants, and those from their infancie ever shaven and bare-headed. And King Agesilaus, even in his decrepit age, was ever wont to weare his cloaths both Winter and Summer alike. Suetonius affirmeth that Cæsar did ever march foremost before his troupes, and most commonly bare-headed, and on foot, whether the sunne shone or it rained. The like is reported of Hanniball,
        ------ tum vertice nudo,
Excipere insanos imbres, cælique ruinam. -- Syl.
Ital. 250.
Bare-headed then he did endure,
Heav'ns ruine and mad-raging showre.

  A Venetian that hath long dwelt amongst them, and who is but lately returned thence, writeth, that in the Kingdome of Pegu, both men and women, leaving all other parts clad, goe ever bare-footed, yea, and on horsebacke also. And Platofor the better health and preservation of the body doth earnestly perswade that no man should ever give the feet and the head other cover than Nature hath allotted them. He whom the Polonians chuse for their King, next to ours who may worthily be esteemed one of the greatest Princes of our age, doth never weare gloves, nor what wether soover it be, winter or summer, other bonnet abroad than in the warme house. As I cannot endure to goe unbuttoned or untrussed, so the husband-men neighbouring about me would be and feele themselves as fettered or hand-bound with going so. Varrois of opinion, that when we were appointed to stand bare headed before the gods or in presence of the Magistrates, it was rather done for our health, and to enure and arme us against injuries of the wether, than in respect of reverence. And since we are speaking of cold, and are French-men, accustomed so strangely to array our selves in party-coloured sutes (not I, because I seldome weare any other than blacke or white, in imitation of my father), let us adde this one thing more, which Captaine Martyn du Bellayrelateth in the voyage of Luxemburg, where he saith to have seene so hard frosts, that their munition-wines were faine to be cut and broken with hatchets and wedges, and shared unto the souldiers by weight, which they carried away in baskets; and Ovid,
Nudaque consistunt formam servantia testæ
Vina, nec hausta meri sed data frusta bibunt. -- Ovid. Trist.iii. El. x. 23.
Bare wines, still keeping forme of caske stand fast.
Not gulps, but gobbets of their wine they taste.

The frosts are so hard and sharpe in the emboguing of the Meotis fennes, that in the very place where Mithridates Lieutenant had delivered a battel to his enemies, on hard ground and drie-footed, and there defeated them, the next summer he there obtained another sea- battel against them. The Romanes suffered a great disadvantage in the fight they had with the Carthaginians neere unto Placentia, for so much as they went to their charge with their blood congealed and limbes benummed, through extreme cold: whereas Hanniball had caused many fires to be made throughout his campe, to warme his souldiers by, and a quantitie of oile to be distributed amongst them, that therewith annointing themselves, they might make their sinewes more supple and nimble, and harden their pores against the bitter blasts of cold wind which then blew, and nipping piercing of the ayre. The Grecians retreat from Babilon into their countrie is renowned by reason of the many difficulties and encombrances they encountred withall, and were to surmount: whereof this was one, that in the mountaines of Armenia, being surprised and encircled with so horrible and great quantitie of snow, that they lost both the knowledge of the countrie and the wayes: wherewith they were so straitly beset that they continued a day and a night without eating or drinking; and most of their horses and cattell died; of their men a great number also deceased; many with the glittering and whitenesse of the snow were stricken blinde; divers through the extremitie were lamed, and their limbes shrunken up; many starke stiffe and frozen with colde, although their senses were yet whole. Alexander saw a nation where in winter they burie their fruit-bearing trees under the ground, to defend them from the frost: a thing also used amongst some of our neighbours. Touching the subject of apparell, the King of Mexico, was wont to change and shift his clothes foure times a day, and never wore them againe, employing his leavings and cast-sutes for his continuall liberalities and rewards; as also neither pot nor dish, nor any implement of his kitchen or table were twice brought before him.

Book review: Mathew Gnagy, The Modern Maker: Men's 17th Century Doublets.

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This book was my Christmas present to myself. It is useful for two reasons, first it is on men’s wear and there is very little on the subject, and secondly it is a practical book on how to make early 17thcentury men’s doublets. It says volume one, so we can expect volumes on breeches and other items to follow.

 Mathew trained as a professional tailor, and it shows. The volume, 149 well illustrated pages, uses as its example a  pattern published in 1618 in Geometria, y traça perteneciente al oficio de sastres, by  Francisco de la Rocha de Burguen, this is not the doublet illustrated on the cover. The book is divided into eight sections, taking you through the principles of tailoring, choosing the fabrics, making the pattern, cutting the pieces, the hand sewing techniques to use, and then making up the garment. The final two sections cover information on surviving garments and construction details. Each section is well illustrated with coloured photographs showing step by step, for example, how to pad stitch, how to make a buttonhole, and how to wrap a silk button.

Mathew Gnagy, The Modern Maker: Men's 17th Century Doublets. 2014. ISBN 978-0692264843 £21.33 (Odd price because it is American $25)
For more information and some illustrations of inside pages have a look at http://www.themodernmaker.net/author/mathew-gnagy/
 

Probates inventories as a source of clothing information: a 1550-90 Oxfordshire case study.

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Speed 1611
Probate inventories are a wonderful source for information on clothing, however they have their limitations, as Spufford (1984) said, “Inventories are too useful not to use, but when they are used heavily...it cannot be sufficiently stressed that their apparent tidiness and suitability for the historian seeking quick economic comparisons in fact conceals quicksands of very considerable magnitude.”
This is an analysis of the clothing listed in a series of Oxfordshire probate inventories. (Havinden, 1965) These inventories are from the diocesan court and peculiar jurisdictions of Oxfordshire, and there are 259 of them. Although they cover the period 1550 to 1590 the bulk of the inventories are overwhelmingly from the 1570s and 1580s.

The spread is, 2 probates from the 1560s have lists of clothes, 13 from the 1570s, 24 from the 1580s and 1 from the year 1590

Whose inventories?


The most of the people whose inventories appear are of the “middling sort”, tradesmen, craftsmen, husbandmen and farmers. Obviously, generally speaking the poor did not make wills, though there are some day labourers among the inventories, and the lowest valuation is for a mere 14s 8d. The richer merchants and members of the gentry and nobility also appear rarely, as their wills were more likely to be proved in the Prerogative Court at Canterbury. Only four people are described as gentlemen and none of these has a total worth of more than £48. Forty two of the inventories are from women, just over half (24) are described as widows. While it would appear that there is a general relationship between occupation and value, it is not particularly obvious. The richest person, worth £590 18s 1d., is a widow. The next richest is a yeoman farmer worth £408  0s  2d., only ten of the inventories are valued at more than £100, while 62 are valued at less than £10.

Clothing values

Of the 259 inventories 99 do not list or give any value for clothing, and 120 give just a total value for a person’s wearing apparel, or similar phrase. This means that only 40 inventories actually list any clothing. Are these valuations any indication of what a person’s wardrobe is actually worth?  
The range is considerable 6d to £23. The lowest valuation, the 6d, relates to “an old jerkin” belonging to William Mosley a carpenter, in his 1578 probate, his total worth was £28 6s 6d. The most valuable wardrobe, £23 belonged to the richest person on the list, the widow Katherine Doyle, her 1585 inventory specified that she had “woollen apparell £20”, her wearing linen was worth £3, and she also had jewels worth a further £37 12s-8d. 

Woodcut - The patient man's woe - 1610

However most people get a value that may well have been picked out of thin air. Thirty one have a valuation of £1, this is the commonest valuation and is applied to people whose total worth is anywhere between £4 1s 0d and £84 2s 0d. The next commonest valuation was 10s (17 people), followed by 6s 8d (a third of £1; 16 people), then 5s (13 people) and 13s 4d (two thirds of £1; also 13 people). These round figures do not seem to indicate that that a great amount of thought has gone into valuing the wardrobes.

So what do you get for your £1? Three men and two women have lists against their £1 valuations. John Ives, a husbandman worth £78 16s 0d in 1562, had two coats, one gown of cloth, one doublet of worsted, one cloth jerkin, a petticoat of white cloth, two pair of hose and two shirts for his pound. In 1580 Thomas Borman worth £27 5s 2d, also had two coats, with two jerkins, two trusses, two pair of hose, three shirts, one pair of shoes, one hat, and one night cap. However the clerk/parson Robert Cory, worth £36 13s 5d in 1587, had only two gowns and two cloaks for his pound. For the women in 1564 Joyce Bullen, worth £20 0s 10d, had only two gowns, one petticoat, and one cloak, but in 1583 Mary Tayler, a widow worth £13 8s 3d had a lot more. She had 2 gowns, 2 petticoats, 2 smocks, 4 kerchers, 3 neckerchers, a hat, a cap, a pair of hose and a pair of shoes.

What clothing is listed in the inventories

For men’s clothing the most common items are 31 shirts. For legwear there are 29 pair of hose, 10 pair of stockings including one listed as nether stocks, 6 pairs of breeches, and one pair of galyskins. For the body there were 25 doublets, 21 coats, 21 jerkins, 2 jackets, 1 waistcoat, 15 cloaks and 13 gowns. In addition three men had 4 petticoats between them.There were also 2 suits, one of satin and one of fustian that belonged to a gentleman who died at an inn, he also had a pair of velvet breeches and a trunk containing the rest of his apparel, the contents of which were not detailed. For head wear there are 12 hats, 3 caps and 1 night cap. For the feet there were 8 pairs of shoes and 3 pairs of boots. In accessories we have 9 bands, 5 partlets, 3 ruffs, 2 kercheifs and 2 handkerchiefs. Three people mention a total of 4 trusses, and truss in the sixteenth century has more than one meaning, so we don’t know what these are. The three definitions of truss that we have are 1) In Florio’s 1598 dictionary The World of Worlds Cotigie, is translated as “leather hosen, or trusses such as our elders were woont to weare”. 2) In 1552 Huloet describes it in its modern sense as a support saying, “trusse for a wrestler, or diseased body.” 3) Drayton’s Polyolbion of 1612 seems to indicate something more in the way of body wear saying “vnto his trusse, which bore The staines of ancient Armes.” One man owned  “2 payer of rofes and a lymbyck,” the ruffs are self explanatory but what is a lymbyck? The nearest thing that can be found is a limbec used in distillation, but nothing to do with clothing.


For women’s clothing, in underwear we have 14 smocks. For the main garments there are 8 gowns, 3 kirtles, 3 cassocks, 17 petticoats, 3 cloaks, a waistcoat and a frock. To go with some of these there are 9 foresleeves listed separately, and for wearing over the garments 16 aprons. For the legs and feet only 2 pair of hose and 2 pair of shoes are recorded. For the head 1 cap, 2 hats and 6 headcloths. For the neck there were 30 kerchefs, 13 neckerchefs and 7 partlets. Garments that require a little more explanation are the 18 rails and 1 tippet. Rails come in different types, there are head, neck and night rails, but in these probates they are only listed only as rails. Palsgrave (1530) gives a “rayle for a woman’s neck,” while Massinger (1630) gives “sickness feign’d that your night rails of forty pounds apiece might be seen.” The Egerton MS of 1588 has a charge for “mending, washinge and starching of a head raille of fine white sipers.” The Willoughby MS in 1552 has a purchase of “hollan cloth to make niyght rayelles and nyght kerchers.” They could also be worn by the poor as evidenced by a quote from Nashe (1592) “A course hempen rail about her shoulders.” A tippet is described by the OED as “A long narrow slip of cloth or hanging part of dress, formerly worn, either attached to and forming part of the hood, head-dress, or sleeve, or loose, as a scarf or the like,” which covers most of the possibilities.

What clothing is NOT listed in the inventories

It is interesting just to see what is missing. It is a very small sample but even so I would have expected to see some gloves. In 1608 one county Gloucestershire had 145 glove makers. The upper classes bought often gloves a dozen pair at a time. They were given as favours as weddings and at funerals. The merchant tailor Henry Machin records 100 pairs being given at the wedding of another merchant’s daughter. For women’s headwear although there are 6 headcloths, there are no coifs.  
Fabrics and colours
Fabric and colours are rarely mentioned. The most common fabric to appear in the probates is frieze, a woollen cloth with a nap usually on one side, this was used for 3 coats, 2 gowns, 3 jerkins, 2 pair of breeches, and 1 male and 2 female cassocks.   Cloth was mentioned twice, once for a jerkin and once for a gown, and leather was also mentioned twice, for a jerkin and a doublet. Worsted and canvas are mentioned for doublets. Russet appears twice, and here we have a dichotomy, is it a fabric or a colour, the russet coat is probably the fabric, but the silk russet cloak is more debateable. One pair of stockings are described as knit, and four of the aprons have fabrics, 2 linen, one worsted and one flannel. Apart from white, grey and black only one colour is mentioned, and that is red for 3 female petticoats. 

Why are things listed?

Why only 15% of the wills have clothes listed we don’t know. Obviously some of the people taking probate inventories didn’t think that clothing was important, 38% didn’t give any value for clothing, and 46% only gave a total value. Some people may indicate why there was a problem, as in William Cosynne’s 1582 inventory where it is stated, “besides suche goodes as are in the howse which at this time the administrator dare not enter upon.” Some administrators start a list, and give up, as in “two shurtes and an ol payre of hose with other such lyke 5s 0d,” or, “other trashe aboute the house 2s.” One point to take into consideration is that from 1530 to the Civil War there was a fee for probate. Estates under £5 in value were free apart from 6d for a copy of the will, between £5 and £40 the cost was 3s 6d and over £40 it was 5s. (Heley, 2007) Cox and Cox (2000) consider that there may be an effect caused by the fact that, if no inventory is taken and debts are more than the estate is worth, the administrator is liable for the difference. However probate inventories do give a good insight into what was being worn, and by whom.

Cox, J. & Cox, N., 2000. Probate 1500 -1800: A system in transition. In: T. Arkell, E. Nesta & N. Goose, eds. When Death Do Us Part: Understanding and Interpreting the Probate Records of Early Modem England.. s.l.:A Local Populations Studies Supplement, pp. 13-47.
Havinden, M. A., 1965. Household and farm inventories in Oxfordshire 1550-1590. London: HMSO.
Heley, G., 2007. The Material Culture of the Tradesmen of Newcastle upon Tyne 1545-1642. PhD. Durham: University of Durham.
Spufford, M., 1984. The great reclothing of rural England: petty chapmen and their wares in the seventeenth century. London: Hambledon Press.

Book review – Moroni by Giovanni Battista

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Fig 1. - Book cover


This was going to be an exhibition review as well, but as I went on the last day of the exhibition it’s a book review since the book is still available. And it is well worth the £20 cover price for the paperback, though I got it at the Royal Academy for a discounted price since the exhibition was finishing. (Fig 1 Book Cover)

The book is well illustrated with good colour, and lots of details from the paintings. There were 42 items in the exhibition and these are all listed at the end of the book. Most of the paintings are by Moroni (c.1521/24-1579/80) but the first four are by Moretto (c.1492-1554), the man who taught him, and whose work I don’t remember having come across before. Moretto, like his pupil had a very good eye for clothing, have a look at the buttons and button loops on his King David. (Fig. 2)

Fig. 2 Detail from King David
The book starts with a revue of Moroni’s work, placing him in the political and religious landscape of the time, it also looks at the various judgements to which his works have been subjected since his death in 1579/80. There are then six chapters looking at his teacher Moretto, his early works, his aristocratic portraits, his portraits from nature, his altarpieces and his late portraits; this follows the organisation of the exhibition. The book finishes with a catalogue of all the material in the exhibition. 
Fig. 3 Detail of stockings

As I went around the exhibition I found myself looking at the costume detail, you can see these in the book illustrations, but I will accept that it is easier in front of a life size painting to see, for example, that the stockings on the gentleman in pink are from the vertical lines, almost certainly knitted. (Fig 3.) As a final example of costume detail you could probably draft a pattern from this blackwork collar. (Fig. 4)

Battista, Giovanni. Moroni. London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2014. ISBN 9781907533822
Fig. 4 Detail of blackwork collar

“Ordinary” women’s wardrobes 1620-1646

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Figure 1 - Hollar's Countrywoman
This is an examination of eighteen probate inventory accounts from the town of Marlborough in Wiltshire, covering the period 1620-1646. (Williams & Thomson, 2007) Of these thirteen only give a general amount for the value of the deceased’s clothing, but five have extensive descriptions, enough to try and reconstruct their wardrobes. The five women are four widows: Agnes Weeb (1620), Alice Wyatt (1623), Elizabeth Reynes (1633), Joane Furnell (1633), and a servant, Phillip Ingerom (1623). As we will see below Phillip and Elizabeth have the most comprehensive listings of their clothing.

Values
Of the 18 women the richest, Alice Wilkes(1646) a widow, was worth £114 19s 4d, and her clothing was worth £5. The poorest was Johane Titcombe(1637), also a widow, she was worth £5 3s 4d and her clothing was 10 shillings. By comparison the richest man, there were 70 men in the probate inventories, was worth £297 16s 9d and the poorest £2. I have placed a table listing all eighteen women, their status and total and clothing values at the end. In some cases the value of the clothing has a plus, this is because some clothing has been accounted with non clothing items and they cannot be separated.

The proportion of the women’s wealth that was tied up in their clothing varies considerably. Two women of similar wealth, respectively £12 10s and £12 12s 8d, have clothing worth 20.5% and 41.6% of their estate. The lowest percentage in the group 4.3% belongs to both a mid range woman, worth £33-1s-8d and the richest worth £114 19s 4d. The 41.5% mentioned above is the highest, however if you take away the £10 in debts owed to the servant Phillip Ingerom, her percentage rises to 51.6%, of her estate. None of the five women with lists was worth a lot of money, the richest these probates was for £34 3s 6d and the poorest £6 18s 2d.

Social status
As some have queried the "ordinariness" of these women I am adding this paragraph on their social standing as far as can be ascertained. Many who know me know that my favourite quote on the subject of probates is Margaret Spufford’s “it cannot be sufficiently stressed that their apparent tidiness and suitability for the historian ... in fact conceals quicksands of very considerable magnitude.” Regarding a comment about how few make a will may I point out that at least some of these probates are either nuncupative (verbal) or intestate. For those who want to know, and to put these women in more of a perspective. The probates, as I stated are from the market town of Marlborough, and the families, husbands, sons, etc., are for the most part tradespeople. Both Agnes Weeb’s and Alice Wilkes’s probates went to unmarried daughters. We know little about Elizabeth Lane though her appraisers were a brewer and a joiner. Phillip Ingerom was servant to Thomas Snowe of Derrington,  a very small village in Staffordshire. Alice Wyatt’s husband was a buttonmaker. Ann Biggs probate was undertaken by her father or uncle (it is a little unclear) he was a miller. Maud Patie again had a executrix, her niece Katherine Smart. Joane Furnell had two executrices and the husband of one, a wheeler (wheelwright) took the administration. Christian Hitchcocke, spinster, was the daughter Thomas Hitchcock a yeoman. Johane Titcombe was the widow of Gregory, whose intestacy inventory is worth less that his widow’s ten years later. The singlewoman Katherine Peirse is listed as the daughter of---and then a very unhelpful blank, but may be related to John Prater, alias Peirse, yeoman, who also acts as an administrator for Elizabeth Newman’s probate. Jone Jones’s husband was a glover. We know little about Alice Wyatt, Alice Pagett, Elizabeth Winsor, Elizabeth Reynes, Joane Powell, Elianor Browne.

Adam Martindale
One of the few, and best descriptions of women’s clothes below the gentry level, was given by Adam Martindale in his autobiography written around 1685. At the beginning of the book he is looking back to when is sister left home to go up to London, probably around 1626-7. She died of a “pestilence” shortly after her arrival. I quote it in full because it emphasises both the social mores involved in clothing, and the changes in outlook over time.

“Freeholders’ daughters were then confined to their felts, pettiecoates and wastcoates, crosse handkerchiefs around their neckes, and white cross-clothes upon their heads, with coifes under them wrought with black silk or worsted. ‘Tis true the finest sort of them wore gold or silver lace upon their wastcoats, good silk laces (and store of them) about their pettiecoats, and bone laces or workes about their linnens. But the proudest of them (below the gentry) durst not have offered to wear an hood or a scarfe  (which now every beggar’s brat that can get them thinks not above her) noe, nor so much as a gowne till her wedding day. And if any of them had transgressed these bounds, she would have been accounted an ambitious foole. These limitations I suppose she did not very well approve, but having her father’s spirit and her mother’s beauty, no persuasion would serve but up she would to serve a ladie, as she hoped to doe, being ingenious with her needle.” (Martindale, 1845, pp. 6-7)

The clothes in the accounts
Most of the women have just – “her wearing apparel” – and a value. In some cases it specifies “both woollen and linen”, or accounts for woollen and linen separately, as in Anne Biggs who has both “her wearing aparell £15 10s”, and “her childbed linene and her wearing linen £5.” This is also the case with Joane Furnell for whom we have “Her wearing apparel £2 10s”, but later we a separate list of linen that is not all clothes; “8 table clothes, one dossen and a halffe of napkins, five smockes, halffe a dosson of bands, fower coynes and fower neckcloths and one old waistcoat and eight apperns and fower pillowberes £2 4s”, again separately she also has “one payer of silke garters and two old hats 5s.” This may be why shoes, and to a lesser extent hats, don’t appear as often in inventories as one would expect them to, they cannot be classified as either woollen or linen clothing. 

Here is a caveat. One of the problems with identifying items in the accounts with particular garments, is that we don’t have original garments with original labels saying this is a ..... Two different clothing terms may be used for the same garment, depending on who is writing about it, think sweater-jumper-pullover. Garments change their names over the years, smock – shift – chemise is a good example, and terms can change their meaning, for example scarlet starts off as a colour, but can end up meaning a type of cloth.

What did they own
Smocks
The linen smock was the main item of underwear and all of the women own between three (Agnes) and seven (Phillip) smocks. It is interesting that the servant has the greatest number of smocks.

Figure 2 - Hollar's Wife of a Citizen of London
Petticoats
Over the smock they would have worn one or two petticoats, or more, depending on the weather, and whether they were wearing a gown over the top. All of the women whose woollen clothing is listed own petticoats. Agnes has two worth together 14s and one old one. Phillip has four wearing petticoats worth 6s 8d, Alice two petticoats and four old petticoats. Elizabeth has one old red petticoat and two old petticoats. Red was the traditional colour for petticoats so it is unsurprising that the only case in which colour is mentioned is red.

Bodies and waistcoats
On the top half they might have worn a pair of bodies, these are boned and today might be referred to as a corset, though they are not the same. Only one woman, Elizabeth, owned what are referred to in her inventory as “a payre of bodice.” They may have been similar in style to the ones that were found in the Sittingbourne Cache and have been described on the Goodwyfe Blog. Probably more common for lower class women are waistcoats, as Randle Holme says “It is an habit or garment generally worn by the middle and lower sort of women, having goared skirts, and some wear them with stomachers.” (Holme, 1688) Elizabeth, the woman who owned the payre of bodice, is also the only woman to own “two stomager.” An example of a 1610-20 embroidered stomacher is described in detail in North & Tiramani (2012, pp. 128-135). Agnes does not own a waistcoat, Joane has one, Phillip has two, Alice has three, and Elizabeth has four. Joane’s waistcoat is listed with her linen and may therefore be made of linen, though not as elaborate as this surviving linen waistcoat in the V&A. It is most probably this waistcoat and petticoat combination that can be seen in Hollar’s Countrywoman (Figure 1), where the goared skirts of the waistcoat can easily be seen.

Gowns
All of the women whose woollen clothing is listed own gowns. Agnes has four, one of which is described as old. Phillip has one gown, which at a value of 13. 4d is worth nearly as much as the 16s for three of Agnes’s gowns.  Alice has two best gowns and two old gowns, while Elizabeth only has one “old medley gown of the best 13s 4d.” A comment on who might and might not wear a gown was made by Adam Martindale who I quote above. Gowns were usually worn over a petticoat and sometimes over a waistcoat, though this is difficult to determine from the images we have. In this Hollar image of the wife of a citizen of London (Figure 2) this layering can clearly be seen. The skirt of the gown, which is open at the front, has been turned back and two petticoats can be seen underneath. Gowns add an extra layer of clothing and warmth at a time when houses did not have central heating, and coats for women were uncommon. The term medley, used to describe Elizabeth’s gown,  is used for a mixture of colours, as John Withals  A shorte dictionarie for yonge begynners, 1553 has it “Medley, color mixtus,” So you can get references to medley russet, and medley broadcloth.

Outerwear
There is little in the way of outerwear, though both Agnes and Alice own cloaks, and Agnes also has a safeguard. A safeguard is defined by the OED as “An outer skirt or petticoat worn by women to protect their clothing, esp. when riding.”

Neckwear
The women own a mixture of kerchiefs, bands, gorgets, partlets and pinners, requiring some definitions. These items can be worn in layers and it is often difficult to decide what is meant. Most of these are articles of clothing covering the neck and breast.
The kerchief is usually a square of material that can then be used folded as a neckerchief (Figure 2), or a headkerchief, or just square as a handkerchief. A plain square linen kerchief in the Victoria and Albert Museum is described in North & Tiramani (2011, pp. 142-143). Phillip has eight “kerchers” worth 4s. Agnes has “five singel kerchfes 1s 3d”, I’m not sure what the single means. Elizabeth has “one kerchieffe and one handkerchieffe 4s.” Joane has “half a dossen of kercheiffes, and fower neckcloths”, not to mention half a dozen of crosscloths and half a dozen of bands. Bands are again worn around the neck; the term is often used to refer to men’s collars, but is also used for women’s collars. The difference may be that bands are tied with band strings, rather than being pinned, and are also more likely to be shaped. Gorgets are another term which may indicate a shaped neckcloth, Agnes has two old gorgets worth 3s.  A pattern for a very elaborate lace trimmed band in the Victoria and Albert Museum is given in North & Tiramani (2011, pp. 128-135)

The term partlet was described in a 1658 dictionary (Phillips, 1658) as “a word used in some old Statutes, signifying the loose collar of a dublet to be set on or taken off by it self without the bodies, also a womans neckerchief”, which doesn’t really help. Costume historians have tended to take it as a fill in for the neckline. Agnes and Alice both have six partlets, while Phillip has seven. There is a pattern for a plain linen partlet of this period, now in the Gallery of Costume, Manchester. (Arnold, 2008, pp. 43, 100-101)

The more old-fashioned Elizabeth has 21 old pinners and ruffs, by 1633 ruffs were going out of fashion at all levels of society. Agnes has five pinners worth 1s. Pinners, are another term that is difficult, it can refer to anything that is pinned on, and by the late seventeenth century if had become identified with a type of cap with long lappets, but here it is also certainly neckwear. Arnold (2008, pp. 40, 96) has an example of what she describes as a pinner, now in the Gallery of Costume, Manchester.
Figure 3 - Detail of a Hollar woman from Ornatus

In this detail of a woman from Ornatus (Figure 3) you can see she is wearing something closed high at the neck, which maybe a partlet, she has what maybe pinners around the neckline of her gown, and over these she is wearing a kerchief.

Headwear
Surpringly only one of the women Joane has what might be coifs, she has among the list of linen “fower coines.” One would expect all the women to have some form of linen headwear.
All five of the women have hats. Only Phillip’s one wearing hat worth 1s has a value while the others are mixed with other items. Joane, Alice and Agnes all have two hats, while Elizabeth has a hat with a hat band. 

Aprons
All the women own aprons. Joane has eight aprons, Phillip seven worth in total 4s, Elizabeth five followed by one old woollen cloth, which may also have been used as an apron. Alice has 3 holland aprons, holland is a type of linen, while Agnes has one black apron.

Stockings and hose
Only two of the women list these; Phillip has “hosen” listed with her shoes and Elizabeth has “a payre of stockings” Although Joane has no stockings listed, she does own “one payer of silke garters”

Shoes
The same two women Phillip and Elizabeth have shoes. In both cases the shoes are worth 1s, and additional Phillip has “one peece of shooe leather”, and Elizabeth owns “one shooing horn.” Information on early shoehorns is in this blog post. I think the other women must have had shoes and stockings, but they are not listed.

Girdles and purses
Both Phillip and Elizabeth own girdles. Phillip has three girdles and one purse, and Elizabeth has one girdle and a pouch. 

Jewellery
Only Phillip owns jewellery, she has “one ring silver and guilt” worth 1s 6d.

References
Arnold, J., 2008. Patterns of Fashion 4 : the cut and construction of linen shirts, smocks, neckwear, headwear and accessories for men and women. London: Macmillan.
Holme, R., 1688. Academie of Armourie. s.l.:s.n.
Martindale, A., 1845. The life of Adam Martindale written by himself. edited by Richard Parkinson.. s.l.:Chetham Society.
North, S. & Tiramani, J., 2011. Seventeenth century women's dress patterns, book 1. London: Victoria and Albert Museum.
North, S. & Tiramani, J., 2012. Seventeenth century women's dress patterns, book 2. London: Victoria and Albert Museum.
Phillips, E., 1658. The new world of English words: or A general dictionary. London: Brooks.
Williams, L. & Thomson, S., 2007. Marlborough probate inventories 1591-1775. Chippenham: Wiltshire Record Society.

The women
No
Name
Status
Year
Total value
Clothing value
Clothing as a % of total worth
1
Agnes Weeb
widow
1620
£6-18s-2d
£2-10s-3d
36.4%
2              
Elizabeth Lane
widow
1622
£20-11s-4d
£2-0s-0d
9.7%
3              
Phillip Ingerom
servant
1623
£12-10s-0d
(£14-19s-2d)
£2-11s-2d
20.5%
(17.1%)
4
Alice Wyatt
widow
1623              
£12-12s-8d
£5-5s-0d
41.6%
5
Alice Pagett       
widow
1624
£64-8s-4d
£6-0s-0d
9.3%
6
Anne Bigges       
widow
1626              
£89-11s-7d
£20-10s-0d *
22.9%
7
Maud Patie
widow
1632              
£55-4s-8d
£9-0s-0d
16.3%
8
Elisebeth Winsor
widow
1632
£14-9s-0d
£1-0s-0d
6.9%
9
Elizabeth Reynes
widow
1633
£7-18s-2d
£1-8s-9d plus
15%
10
Joane Furnell     
widow
1633
£34-3s-6d
£2-15s-0d plus
8%
11
Joane Powell     
widow
1634
£7-15s-8d
£1-3s-4d
15%
12
Christian Hitchcocke
spinster
1636
£25-11s-0d              
£8-0s-0d
31.3%
13
Johane Titcombe
widow
1637
£5-3s-4d
£0-10s-0d
9.7%
14
Katherine Peirse

singlewoman
1638
£56-11s-0d
£3-0s-0d
5.3%
15
Elianor Browne 
widow
1639
£13-18s-2d
£1-10s-0d
10.8%
16
Elizabeth Newman 

1640
£33-1s-8d
£1-10s-0d
4.3%
17
 Jone Jones        
widow
1641
£23-17s-8d
£3-0s-0d
12.6%
18
Alice Wilkes
widow
1646
£114 19s 4d
£5-0s-0d
4.3%
The value is added incorrectly, this is the true amount
*Her wearing aparell £15 10s, her childbed linene and her wearing linen £5

Social structure and occupations: 1608 and 1688

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Many within the various groups who do ECW re-enactment use Gregory King’s 1688 estimate of the population and wealth of England and Wales to provide a plan of the social structure of society in the mid 17th century. I have recently been working on a 1608 census type document, a muster roll for the County of Gloucestershire, for a talk on Gloucestershire occupations that I am going to give later in the spring. I thought it would be interesting to try to see how the two compare, one forty years before 1648 and one forty years after. So what are these two data sets?

Gregory King's estimate of population and wealth, England and Wales, 1688
Gregory King (1648-1712) is often regarded as the first great English statistician, a subject known at the time as “political arithmetic”. He was Lancaster Herald and heavily involved in the tax system, his major work  ‘Natural and political observations upon the state and condition of England, 1696’ attempted to estimate a range of information including population size, household size, age distribution, tax revenues, and wealth. It has been commented that it “betrays a number of common assumptions of the propertied”, in particular in having only five categories for the poorer half of society. (Hoppit, 2011) For a further discussion of the accuracy of King’s work have a look at G. S. Holmes. (1977)

Gloucestershire 1608
For 1608 all able-bodied men “fit for his Majestie’s service in the warrs”, and between the ages of 20 and 60 “within the City of Gloucester and the Inshire of the same” were listed. Bristol was not included as it was a county in its own right. The list contains the names of 19,402 men, and 135 women who although they could not serve themselves could provide arms. Of these men 109 were unable in body, and 17,046 gave an occupation or status. There are defects to the listing, as mentioned above over 2000 don’t give an occupation, and as John Smyth, steward to Lord Berkeley for whom the list was compiled, remarked of one place “many made default in this hundred and appeareth not”. The under reporting does not appear to be large. The listing, with over 150 occupations, is far, far more detailed than King’s breakdown which only has 26 divisions, of which only five deal with the bottom half the population. It is often difficult to try and fit some of the occupations into King’s subdivisions. (Tawney, 1934)

King’s top five subdivisions
Number of families
Ranks, Degrees,
Titles, and Qualifications
Heads
per family
Number of
persons
Yearly income
per family
160
Temporal Lords
40
6,400
2,800
26
Spiritual Lords
20
520
1,300
800
Baronets
16
12,800
880
600
Knights
13
7,800
650
3,000
Esquires
10
30,000
450
12,000
Gentlemen
8
96,000
280

The 1608 census doesn’t list anyone that fits the first three categories. Henry, Lord Berkeley, died in 1613 and since he inherited the title in 1553 was probably over the age limit. Henry Parry the Bishop of Gloucester probably didn’t actually reside in the county as he was only bishop from 1607-10. The 1608 list has 430 men (presumed heads of households), who are gentlemen, esquires or knights, and a further 27 men declare themselves to be sons or brother of the same.  

King’s “educated” classes
King has six groupings which I have somewhat unceremoniously lumped together as below.
Number of families
Ranks, Degrees,
Titles, and Qualifications
Heads
per family
Number of
persons
Yearly income
per family
5,000
Persons in Offices
8
40,000
240
5,000
Persons in Offices
6
30,000
120
10,000
Persons in the Law
7
70,000
140
2,000
Clergymen
6
12,000
60
8,000
Clergymen
5
40,000
45
16,000
Persons in Sciences and Liberal Arts
5
80,000
60

In the 1608 list there are only 62 people who fit these groupings. Among them are surgeons, schoolmasters, barristers, scriveners, musicians, mayors, chamberlains, constables, and clergymen.

King has these 12 top ranks of society as forming 4.5% of the population, while in the 1608 list they are only 3%, this is because of...

The problem of indoor servants
There is a problem with indoor servants because King includes them with their employer. So for example a gentleman, esquire or knight has a household of between 8 and 13 people according to King. Based on the 1608 list nearly two thirds of these people are going to be servants. In the 1608 list 1196 men declare themselves to be servants to these groups, including 122 who describe themselves as servants to women, presumably of some status, and possibly part of the households already mentioned. There is a different servant problem in that only three clergymen are listed, however we have servants to fourteen different clergymen. The indoor servants from these top social groups are just over 7% of the 1608 list. 

King’s Merchants, Shopkeepers and Tradesmen
Number of families
Ranks, Degrees,
Titles, and Qualifications
Heads
per family
Number of
persons
Yearly income
per family
2,000
Merchants and Traders by Sea
8
16,000
400
8,000
Merchants and Traders by Land
6
48,000
200
40,000
Shopkeepers and Tradesmen
180,000
45

This is obviously a very disparate group. Only one man in the 1608 listing declares himself to be a merchant. The largest group in 1608 are the butchers of whom there are 252 in the county, they are followed by 119 innkeepers, vintners and victuallers, and 109 bakers. Others relating to food sales include fishmongers, a cheesemonger, a grocer and a pearmonger. On the textile side there are 112 mercers, 30 drapers 12 haberdashers and 40 badgers, chapmen and pedlars.  Beyond these we have chandlers, barbers, apothecaries, stationers, and an ironmonger. People who are making rather than selling have been included with the artisans and handicrafts rather than this group. This group forms just under 5% of the population in 1608 and just under 3.7% in King.

King’s Artisans and craftsmen
Number of families
Ranks, Degrees,
Titles, and Qualifications
Heads
per family
Number of
persons
Yearly income
per family
60,000
Artisans and Handicrafts
4
240,000
40

This is where King and the 1608 listing depart from each other. It depends on your definition of artisan or craftsman, but for King these formed just over 4.4% of the population, whereas for 1608 it is over 34%.

Textile workers
Textile workers are the largest group forming over 15% of the 1608 list, the question is whether King would have considered them craftsmen, or placed them in his cottagers and paupers grouping. The largest number over 1,800 are weavers of one sort or another, but there are also fullers, dyers, shearmen, etc. There are also over 300 clothiers, these are men that actually sell the cloth so should perhaps be in the tradesmen section. In addition we have one knitter, one bone (bobbin) lace maker and one embroiderer, remember these are men, considerably more women would have followed these occupations. 

Leather workers
Again are these men King would have considered artisans or craftsmen. They are a small group 201 all told that include tanners, saddlers, collarmakers, curriers and a furrier.
Clothing makers
Most of these may well have been considered craftsmen by King, they form 7.5% of the 1608 list and include the obvious tailors, shoemakers and glovers, but also hatters, cobblers, hosiers, point-and garter-makers.

Craftsmen in wood
These form just under 4% of the 1608 list and two thirds of them are described as carpenters or joiners. As Gloucestershire includes the River Severn there is a small group of shipwrights and ship’s carpenters. Others in this grouping include coopers, wheelwrights, wheelers, turners, hoopers, bowyers, fletchers, shovel makers, basket makers, trencher makers, hive makers, and more.

The building trades
Again difficult to decide how many of these King would have included as artisans, but here forming around 2% of the list we have masons and freemasons, by far the largest group, slatters, tilers, thatchers, glaziers, stonelayers, plasterers, pargeters, painters, limeburners and paviors. 

Metal workers
A group forming 3.3% of the 1608 list of whom three quarters are smiths. The other occupations which can be included in this grouping are nailers, cutlers and pewterers. Six men are ironfounders and one is a bell founder. There are 8 wiredrawers and 5 pinmakers, plus tinkers, braziers, plumbers and two goldsmiths. 

Makers of food and drink
These form 1.5% of the list and comprise millers, the largest group, maltsers and brewers.

Miscellaneous
Finally for this section a group of occupations that can be considered artisanal or crafts, but otherwise don’t fit. Here we have paper, parchment, card and cardboard makers, also potters, bottle makers, a starch maker, and a saltpetreman. 

King’s farmers
Number of families
Ranks, Degrees,
Titles, and Qualifications
Heads
per family
Number of
persons
Yearly income
per family
40,000
Freeholders
7
280,000
84
140,000
Freeholders
5
700,000
50
150,000
Farmers
5
750,000
44

King does not list either yeomen or husbandmen, the two largest agricultural groups in the 1608 list. Generally speaking yeomen are freeholders and husbandmen are not, so perhaps the husbandmen equate to the 150,000 farmers King lists. These three groups above form 24% of households according to King but 30.5% of the 1608 list.

King’s labourers and out servants
Number of families
Ranks, Degrees,
Titles, and Qualifications
Heads
per family
Number of
persons
Yearly income
per family
364,000
Labouring People and Out Servants
1,275,000
15

For King these form 27% of the population, however even by taking all those who list themselves as labourers, all servants to yeomen and husbandmen plus those in towns who list themselves as labourers, all other agricultural workers (shepherds, warreners, etc.) and all servants to artisans and craftsmen,  I can only get this up to 19.3%. So I am adding in the 172 people in the mining and quarrying industries which takes it to 20.5%

King’s soldiers and sailors
Number of families
Ranks, Degrees,
Titles, and Qualifications
Heads
per family
Number of
persons
Yearly income
per family
5,000
Naval Officers
4
20,000
80
4,000
Military Officers
4
16,000
60
50,000
Common Seamen
3
150,000
20
35,000
Common Soldiers
2
70,000
14

Gloucestershire has no officers, nor does it have any soldiers, however it does have seamen. There are 18 fishermen, 194 sailors, 22 boatmen, watermen and trowmen. To these I am going to add the 62 other men who are related to transport; carriers, carmen and loaders. For King these formed nearly 7% of households, but for Gloucestershire it is just over 1.5%

The “missing” 30 percent
Number of families
Ranks, Degrees,
Titles, and Qualifications
Heads
per family
Number of
persons
Yearly income
per family
400,000
Cottagers and Paupers
1,300,000
6.5

King has almost 30% of the population as cottagers and paupers, and late Stuart poverty has been discussed by Arkell (1987) among others. Unsurprisingly no one in the 1608 list describes themselves as either a cottager or a pauper.  Undoubtedly some of the artisans and some of the agricultural workers were very poor, but it is difficult with the Gloucestershire list to separate them out from those that weren’t. Below is a table of the comparisons, figures do not add to 100% because of rounding.


1608
1688
King’s top five subdivisions &“educated” classes
3
4.5
Indoor servants
7
0
King’s Merchants, Shopkeepers and Tradesmen
4
3.7
King’s Artisans and craftsmen
34
4.4
King’s farmers
30.4
24
King’s labourers and out servants
20.3
27
Soldiers and sailors
1.6
6.9
Cottagers and paupers
0
29.4

100.3
99.9

Arkell, T., 1987. The incidence of poverty in the later seventeenth century. Social history, 12(1), pp. 23-47.
Holmes, G. S., 1977. Gregory King and the Social Structure of Pre-Industrial England. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Volume 27, pp. 41-68.
Hoppit, J., 2011. Gregory King (1648–1712)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2011. [Online] Available at: http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/15563 [Accessed 16 Feb 2015].
Tawney, R. H., 1934. An occupational census of the seventeenth century. Economic History Review, 5(1), pp. 25-64.

Kersey and the Colours of Kersey

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Woollen yarn dyed with woad.

What are kersies

Kersey is a twill woven wool fabric. Kerridge (1985) describes them in his book as “warp back cloths woven in twill order,” it is more complex than that, and I would go to Kerridge for a technical description if you are interested.

Kersey comes in several types, the 1552 Act divides them into ordinary, sorting, Devonshire (called dozens), and check kersies. Despite the name, Kersey is a town in Suffolk, kersies were made in various places. The Devonshire dozens were one type, and another statue refers to kersies made in York and Lancashire, but a large number were also made around Newbury in Berkshire by, among other people, John Winchcombe (c1487-1557) who was the Jack of Newbury of Thomas Deloney’s work. (1912) David Peacock’s PhD thesis on the Winchcombe family is available via Ethos. (Peacock, 2003)


One (standard) broadcloth was reckoned to be equal to three kerseys, this is less a matter of quality than of size. Throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries both broadcloth and kersey were regulated by a series of Statutes. The Statute of 1465 set broadcloth as 2 yards wide and 24 yards long, while kersey was a yard and a nail (a nail is one sixteenth of a yard -2¼ inches) by 18 yards. However by the beginning of the seventeenth century some kerseys had shrunk to 1 yard by 16 yards, so three kerseys were 48 square yards of cloth, the same size as one broadcloth. That is for a standard broadcloth, long broadcloths were 28 to 31 yards in length. (Oldland, 2014)

How common is kersey

It is difficult to ascertain how common kersies were. They first appear in the mid 13th century, and by the 18thcentury Defoe wrote of Yorkshire kersey that one dealer traded for “£60,000 a year in kerseys only, to Holland and Hamburg.” (Defoe, 1748) In export terms in the first half of the sixteenth century, before the effects of the start of the Eighty Years’ War and the expansion of the new draperies, broadcloth and kersey appear to have formed 90% to 95% of cloth exports, with kersey being between 20% and 30% of this. (Hentschell, 2008)

Having said that they are produced in such amounts, they don’t appear very often in probate inventories, but as Margaret Spufford (1984) said of probate inventories, they conceal “quicksands of very considerable magnitude.” It may be that people compiling the inventories could not tell the difference between broadcloth and kersey once the fabric had been cut up and made into garments, but beyond that garments are rarely mentioned in inventories. An analysis of some Oxfordshire inventories, which are fairly typical, shows that 85% either don’t mention clothes at all or just say wearing apparel without specifying. Of the 15% that do list clothes, only one third mention a fabric.

References to kersies in common literature often refer to kersey being used for hose, and hose is a very movable term in the sixteenth century. In the OED we have from 1543–4, “For iij quarters of yallow carssey for hose”, from 1596, “Blacke karsie stockings” and from 1607, “The Stockings that his clownish Legges did fit, Were Kersie to the calfe, and t'other knit.” It was William Harrison (1577) in his famous Description of England who declared of the Englishman that “ Neither was it merriere with England than when he was knowne abroad by his own clothes, and contented himself at home with his fine carsie hosen.”

The colours of kersey

This section is based mostly on an article by David Peacock (2006) which examined Gresham’s Day Book for 1546-1552, this listed goods ordered for export to Antwerp. Kersies produced by Thomas Dolman of Newbury shows that the bulk of the cloths ordered between 1547 and 1550 were blue (20.6%), watchet, a light blue (46.8%) and azure 17.6%, so that in total 85% were in shades of blue. The picture above is one I have had for at least six years, but unfortunately I have no idea where it came from, it shows the range of blues that can be gained by dying with woad. The other 15% of colours include 13% red and 2% green. Thomas Dolman’s 1575 will shows him owing “one other howse in Cheapstreate...beinge a Dyhowse and also six oadefattes (woad vats) two flotefattes, one furnace of copper and another of brass.” The only producer in the Day Book going beyond these colours is William Bennett, who between 1548 and 1550 produced 1,647 kersies for Gresham, however the breakdown is very similar, 35% watchet, 24% blue, 3.6% plunked (a sort of grey-blue), and 2.4% azure. Beyond the blues we have 7% red, 3% green, and a tiny amount (3 kersies) in violet.

If we compare this colour range with that obtained from analysis of English wills, we get a very different grouping. This may well be because these are cloths for export, because they are specifically kersey, and because this does not include the large numbers of cloths which weren’t dyed and are described as sheep colour or white. There is also the problem of black, natural or dyed, which appears to be one of the most popular colours listed in wills. Research on Essex wills reveals the main colours to be black, white, blue or red, with blue being mentioned mainly for men’s coats, breeches and stockings, while red appears to have been used mainly for women’s petticoats. (Mikhaila and Malcolm-Davies, 2006) Peachey (2014) makes the same association of red with women’s petticoats and blue with men’s coats.

References

Defoe, D., 1748. A Tour Through the Whole Island of Great Britain. 4th ed. London: Birt.

Deloney, T., 1912. The works of Thomas Deloney; edited by Francis Oscar Mann.. [Online]
Available at: http://archive.org/stream/workseditedfrome00delouoft/workseditedfrome00delouoft_djvu.txt

Harrison, W., 1577. Description of England. s.l.:s.n.

Hentschell, R., 2008. Culture of Cloth in Early Modern England: Textual Constructions of a National Identity. London: Ashgate.

Kerridge, E., 1985. Textile manufactures in early modern England. Manchester: Manchester University Press..

Mikhaila, N. and Malcolm-Davies, J., 2006. The Tudor tailor. London: Batsford.

Oldland, J., 2014. Wool and cloth production in late medieval and early Tudor England. Economic History Review, 67 (1), pp. 25-47.

Peachey, S., 2014. Clothes of the common people in Elizabethan and early Stuart England. Bristol: Stuart Press.

Peacock, D., 2003. The Wincombe family and the woollen industry in sixteenth century Newbury. PhD thesis. [Online]
Available at: http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402908
[Accessed 12 Dec 2014].

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